TRANSCRIPT: Defense Minister Boris Pistorius’ Remarks at MSC 2025

Read the full transcript of German Defense Minister Boris Pistorius’ speech at the Munich Security Conference on Feb. 14, 2025.

Listen to the audio version here:

TRANSCRIPT:

Introduction and Response to US Vice President’s Speech

GERMAN DEFENSE MINISTER BORIS PISTORIUS: Ladies and gentlemen, let me start in German. I did have a speech that I prepared for today. It was a speech which was supposed to be about security in Europe, but, to be honest, I cannot start my speech in the way that I originally intended to. I am a staunch believer in the transatlantic alliance, and I am a staunch ally and friend of America. The American dream is something that has always fascinated me and influenced me, and this is why I cannot just ignore what we heard before.

I cannot not comment on the speech we heard by the US Vice President. “We fight for your right to be against us.” That is the motto, one of the mottos of the Bundeswehr, and it stands for our democracy. This democracy that was just called into question by the US Vice President, and not just the German democracy but Europe as a whole, he spoke of the annulment of democracy, and if I understood him correctly, he compares the condition of Europe with the condition that prevails in some authoritarian regimes.

Ladies and gentlemen, this is not acceptable. This is not acceptable. This is not the Europe, not the democracy where I live and where I conduct my election campaign right now, and this is not the democracy that I witness every day in our parliament. In our democracy, every opinion has a voice, and it makes it possible for parties that are partly extremist, such as the AFD, and they can campaign just as any other party.

This is democracy.

And if the Vice President had the opportunity to switch on his TV set when he arrived yesterday, he would have seen one of those candidates in primetime TV. By the way, we even admit media that spread Russian propaganda, and the representatives of the federal government answer their questions. Nobody is excluded.

But democracy does not mean that a vociferous minority will automatically be right, and they cannot decide what truth is. It does not mean that anyone can say anything, and democracy must be able to defend itself against extremists that try to destroy it. I am happy to live in Europe where this democracy is defended every day against its internal and external enemies.

And therefore, I would like to explicitly contradict and oppose the impression that our democracies oppress and silence minorities. We not only know against whom we defend our countries, but also what we defend it for. It’s for democracy, for freedom of opinion, for the rule of law, and the dignity of each and every one, ladies and gentlemen.

Focus on European and Transatlantic Security

Ladies and gentlemen, but unlike the Vice President, I would also like to focus my speech on the most pressing questions of European and transatlantic security.

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The last days have confirmed what many had speculated for months. The United States are pushing for a quick peace settlement between Russia and Ukraine, and they expect Europe to take the lead in securing any agreement that follows. These negotiations can be a turning point for our continent and for transatlantic relations, a historic turning point that can go into very different directions. The choices we make now will determine whether we live in peace or in crisis.

They will determine our future and the future of the next generation in Europe, but also beyond. We must ensure that Ukraine is not left alone, ladies and gentlemen, because one thing remains unchanged. There will be no lasting peace in Europe without a strong and free Ukraine. There will be no sustainable rules-based order if aggression prevails.

We must equally make sure that Russia does not emerge from this war as an even bigger threat than before. A fragile peace that only postpones the next war is not an option. Yesterday there was strong consensus among NATO Allies that imperialist powers will only respond to deterrence and strength, be it in Europe or in the Indo-Pacific. Therefore we must and we will negotiate from a position of strength.

Three Crucial Points for Negotiations

Three things are crucial for that.

First, European and Ukrainians must play an active part in the negotiations. Only united we will be able to stand strong. Only united will we negotiate a stable and long-lasting peace.

Second, Ukraine needs to negotiate from a position of strength. Germany will therefore remain the largest supporter of Ukraine on this continent. And we will continue our engagement in the near future and beyond.

Third, the transatlantic alliance must not take anything off the table before the peace talks have even started. Discussions about Ukraine’s NATO membership or territorial issues must take place at the negotiating table with careful consideration and in close coordination among Allies. At the same time, Secretary Hekset made it very clear that the US will remain engaged in NATO and in Europe.

European Responsibility and Defence Measures

But the recent statements are also a strong reminder of what has been clear for many years, if we are honest. We Europeans have to contribute the lion’s share to conventional deterrence and defence in Europe. We need to shape the reality we live in before it shapes us. Yesterday, in NATO, we agreed to develop a roadmap to organise the burden-shifting from the US to Europe in the years to come, and to avoid at the same time by orchestrating it that we run in capability gaps which are critical.

It is time for fewer promises now and more action. That is why my French colleague Sébastien Le Corneuil and I established the Group of Five together with the United Kingdom, Poland and Italy at the end of last year, to chart a course for a strong Europe. We will use this format to develop the roadmap in the upcoming month and discuss it with our Allies, especially with the United States. Ladies and gentlemen, in order to make European responsibility a reality, we are taking strong measures in all important areas of defence, with regards to money, material and operational readiness.

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Last year, Germany committed 2% of its GDP to defence. Within just two years, we nearly doubled our investments in procurement. Other European nations have made similar successful efforts. Security guarantees the future for all of us, and for the next generation.

Long-Term Commitment to Defence Spending

We have the responsibility to invest in the future. For Germany, that means further increasing our defence spending. We need substantial financial means that cannot simply be cut out of the current budget. Excluding defence spending from our national debt limit is therefore inevitable.

Security is not a short-term expenditure. It is a long-term commitment. That is why I am developing a 10-year programme. We need to make defence spending more predictable.

That means achieving security next generation. At the European level, we need to act in a similar way. We must ensure that all countries can effectively strengthen their security. That should involve adapting the Maastricht Criteria to allow nations that face tight budgetary restrictions a greater flexibility to defence investments.

And it would also involve a shift towards defence in the priorities of the European Union’s multi-annual financial framework, just as we heard it by Mrs von der Leyen earlier. More cash, that’s the truth, must of course translate into more capabilities. It’s not about money, it’s about capabilities. Germany launched a defence industry strategy to create the right political, economic and regulatory framework to quickly make our defence industry more innovative, agile and resilient.

Strengthening European Defence Industry

We streamlined our procurement processes and together with industry we are expanding our production capacities while pushing for a stronger European defence industrial base.

But one thing is certain. Europe needs a strong, more sovereign defence industry. We cannot afford excessive dependencies. This has never been clearer than today as we see the geopolitical landscape shifting.

Maintaining our technological advantage is crucial, particularly in areas such as artificial intelligence, space and quantum technology. These investments generate positive spillover effects across our entire research landscape and overall economy. We need more European solutions while maintaining strong cooperation with our transatlantic partners. We need both in order to increase our defence capacities as quickly and comprehensively as possible while building and maintaining a strong industrial base.

Simply put, we Europeans must develop together, build together, buy together, deploy together, even if that involves adapting and merging certain industries and setting aside national interests in some cases. This requires better coordination of who produces what to avoid duplicating efforts. We have proved that we are capable for this. The European Skysheet Initiative is an example. The same is true for the European Long-Range Strike Approach initiated by Germany and France.

And let me mention one more example, the German-Norwegian Submarine Project. Soon, German crews will be able to sail on Norwegian submarines and vice versa. This is European defence integration in action. We are inviting additional nations to join, also from across the Atlantic. This will boost NATO’s naval presence from the shores of the Baltic Sea across the Atlantic all the way to the Arctic, the latter being more and more in the focus of NATO’s adversaries.

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Operational Readiness and NATO’s Eastern Flank

Projects like these are the future of procurement. They show what we can achieve when we act together and overcome national constraints. That brings me to operational readiness. In the Russia full-scale invasion of Ukraine, we have significantly scaled up our efforts to secure NATO’s eastern flank. We increased our presence in the air, on land and at sea. As of this year, 35,000 personnel stand prepared at the highest readiness levels to defend NATO’s territory if needed.

In Lithuania, we are moving from a rotational to a permanent presence. Together with our Allies, we have as many as 1,400 boots on the ground today as part of the multinational battlegroup Lithuania. We are in the midst of preparing the permanent deployment of a full combat-ready brigade. We will have roughly 5,000 personnel permanently in Lithuania in the years to come. On this note, thank you very much, President Nauseda, for being such an exemplary partner in the historic endeavour.

But our commitment on the eastern flank does not and will not stop in Lithuania, also and especially after a potential peace in Ukraine. We are well aware Russia will remain a threat. We are assuming more leadership responsibility in the multinational corps northeast to bolster deterrence and defence in the region. This is a true example of our shared commitment to security.

Conclusion: Germany’s Commitment to European Security

Ladies and gentlemen, this week has a week of decision.

Next week, it will be the German voters that will make a choice. A lot is at stake in this election. I trust that the German voters will send a strong message. Germany will remain a reliable Ally. Germany will continue to work towards a stronger and more secure Europe.

And Germany will continue to take on more responsibility and leadership in Europe. The challenges of the coming months and years will be enormous.

But so is our ability to tackle them. As long as we stand together, as long as we remain committed to our security and our values of liberal democracy, I have no doubt the future is ours to shape. Thank you.