Martin Luther King, Jr.: The Other America Speech (1967) at Stanford (Full Transcript)

It’s not merely a struggle against extremist behavior toward Negroes. And I’m convinced that many of the very people who supported us in the struggle in the South are not willing to go all the way now. I came to see this in a very difficult and painful way in Chicago over the last year where I’ve lived and worked.

Some of the people who came quickly to march with us in Selma and Birmingham were active around Chicago. And I came to see that so many people who supported morally and even financially what we were doing in Birmingham and Selma were really outraged against the extremist behavior of Bull Connor and Jim Clark toward Negroes rather than believing in genuine equality for Negroes.

And I think this is what we’ve got to see now and this is what makes the struggle much more difficult. And so as a result of all of this we see many problems existing today that are growing more difficult. It’s something that is often overlooked but Negroes generally live in worse slums today than 20 or 25 years ago.

In the North schools are more segregated today than they were in 1954 when the Supreme Court’s decision on desegregation was rendered. Economically, the Negro is worse off today than he was 15 and 20 years ago. And so the unemployment rate among whites at one time was about the same as the unemployment rate among Negroes.

But today the unemployment rate among Negroes is twice that of whites. And the average income of the Negro is today 50% less than whites. And as we look at these problems we see them growing and developing every day. We see the fact that the Negro economically is facing a depression in his everyday life that is more staggering than the depression of the 30s.

The unemployment rate of the nation as a whole is about 4%. Statistics would say from the labor department that among Negroes it’s about 8.4%. But these are the persons who are in the labor market who still go to employment agencies to seek jobs and so they can be calculated. The statistics can be gotten because they are still somehow in the labor market.

But there are hundreds of thousands of Negroes who have given up. They’ve lost hope. They’ve come to feel that life is a long and desolate corridor for them with no exit signs. And so they no longer go to look for a job.

There are those who would estimate that these persons who are called the discouraged persons would be 6 to 7% in the Negro community. And that means that unemployment among Negroes may well be 16%. Among Negro youth in some of our large urban areas it goes to 30 and 40%. And so you can see what I mean when I say that in the Negro community that is a major tragic and staggering depression that we face in our everyday lives.

UNJUST POLICIES AND SYSTEMIC RACISM

Now the other thing that we’ve got to come to see now that many of us didn’t see too well during the last 10 years, that is that racism is still alive in American society and much more widespread than we realize. And we must see racism for what it is. It is a myth of the superior and the inferior race. It is the false and tragic notion that one particular group, one particular race is responsible for all of the progress, all of the insights and the total flow of history.

And the theory that another group or another race is totally depraved, innately impure and innately inferior. In the final analysis, racism is evil because its ultimate logic is genocide. Hitler was a sick and tragic man who carried racism to its logical conclusion. And he ended up leading a nation to the point of killing about 6 million Jews. And this is a tragedy of racism because its ultimate logic is genocide.

If one says that I am not good enough to live next door to him, if one says that I am not good enough to eat at a lunch counter or to have a good decent job or to go to school with him merely because of my race, he is saying consciously or unconsciously that I do not deserve to exist.

To use a philosophical analogy here, racism is not based on some empirical generalization. It is based rather on an ontological affirmation. It is not the assertion that certain people are behind culturally or otherwise because of environmental conditions. It is the affirmation that the very being of a people is inferior. And this is the great tragedy of it.

I say that however unpleasant it is, we must honestly see and admit that racism is still deeply rooted all over America. It’s still deeply rooted in the north and it’s still deeply rooted in the south. Now this leads me to say something about another discussion that we hear a great deal and that is the so-called white backlash.

I would like to honestly say to you that the white backlash is merely a new name for an old phenomenon, not something that just came into being because shouts of shouts of black power or because Negroes engaged in riots in Watts, for instance. The fact is that the state of California voted a fair housing bill out of existence before anybody shouted black power or before anybody rioted in Watts.

It may well be that shouts of black power and riots in Watts and the Harlems and the other areas are the consequences of the white backlash rather than the cause of them. What it is necessary to see is that there has never been a single solid monistic determined commitment on the part of the vast majority of white Americans.

The whole question of civil rights and on the whole question of racial equality, this is something that truth impels all men of goodwill to admit. It is said on the Statue of Liberty that America is the home of exiles. It doesn’t take us long to realize that America has been the home of its white exiles from Europe, but it has not evinced the same kind of maternal care and concern for its black exiles from Africa.

It is no wonder that in one of his sorrow songs a Negro could sing out, sometimes I feel like a motherless child, what great estrangement, what great sense of rejection caused a people to emerge with such a metaphor as they looked over their lives.

What I’m trying to get across is that our nation has constantly taken a positive step forward on the question of racial justice and racial equality, but over and over again at the same time it made certain backward steps. And this has been the persistence of the so-called white backlash.

In 1863 the Negro was freed from the bondage of physical slavery, but at the same time the nation refused to give him land to make that freedom meaningful. And at that same period America was giving millions of acres of land in the West and the Midwest, which meant that America was willing to undergird its white peasants from Europe with an economic floor that would make it possible to grow and develop, and refuse to give that economic floor to its black peasants, so to speak.

And this is why Frederick Douglass could say that emancipation for the Negro was freedom to hunger, freedom to the winds and rains of heaven, freedom without roofs to cover their heads. He went on to say that it was freedom without bread to eat, freedom without land to cultivate. It was freedom and famine at the same time, but it does not stop there.

In 1875 the nation passed the Civil Rights Bill and refused to enforce it. In 1964 the nation passed a weaker Civil Rights Bill, and even to this day that bill has not been totally enforced in all of its dimensions. The nation heralded a new day of concern for the poor, for the poverty-stricken, for the disadvantaged, and brought into being a poverty bill. But at the same time it put such little money into the program that it was hardly and still remains hardly a good skirmish against poverty.

White politicians in suburbs talk eloquently against open housing, and in the same breath contend that they are not racist. And all of this and all of these things tell us that America has been backlashing on the whole question of basic constitutional and God-given rights for Negroes and other disadvantaged groups for more than 300 years.

So these conditions, the persistence of widespread poverty, of slums, and of tragic conditions in schools and other areas of life, all of these things have brought about a great deal of despair and a great deal of desperation, a great deal of disappointment and even bitterness in the Negro communities.

NONVIOLENT ACTIVISM AND UNITY

Today all of our cities confront huge problems. All of our cities are potentially powder kegs as a result of the continued existence of these conditions, many in moments of anger, many in moments of deep bitterness, engaged in riots. And let me say, as I’ve always said, and I will always continue to say, that riots are socially destructive and self-defeating.

I’m still convinced that nonviolence is the most potent weapon available to oppressed people in their struggle for freedom and justice. I feel that violence will only create more social problems than they will solve, that in a real sense it is impractical for the Negro to even think of mounting a violent revolution in the United States.

So I will continue to condemn riots and continue to say to my brothers and sisters that this is not the way, continue to affirm that there is another way. But at the same time it is as necessary for me to be as vigorous in condemning the conditions which cause persons to feel that they must engage in riotous activities as it is for me to condemn riots.

I think America must see that riots do not develop out of thin air. Certain conditions continue to exist in our society, which must be condemned as vigorously as we condemn riots. But in the final analysis, a riot is the language of the unheard.

And what is it that America has failed to hear? It has failed to hear that the plight of the Negro poor has worsened over the last few years. It has failed to hear that the promises of freedom and justice have not been met. And it has failed to hear that large segments of white society are more concerned about tranquility and the status quo than about justice, equality, and humanity. And so in a real sense, our nation’s summers of riots are caused by our nation’s winters of delay.

And as long as America postpones justice, we stand in the position of having these recurrences of violence and riots over and over again. Social justice and progress are the absolute guarantors of riot prevention.

Now let me go on to say that if we are to deal with all of the problems that I’ve talked about, and if we are to bring America to the point that we have one nation indivisible with liberty and justice for all, there are certain things that we must do. The job ahead must be massive and positive.

HOPE AND PROGRESS

We must develop massive action programs all over the United States of America in order to deal with the problems that I have mentioned. Now in order to develop these massive action programs, we’ve got to get rid of one or two false notions that continue to exist in our society. One is the notion that only time can solve the problem of racial injustice. I’m sure you’ve heard this idea.

It is the notion almost that there is something in the very flow of time that will miraculously cure all evils. And I’ve heard this over and over again. There are those and the often sincere people who say to Negroes and their allies in the white community that we should slow up and just be nice and patient and continue to pray and in 100 or 200 years the problem will work itself out, because only time can solve the problem.

And I think that is an answer to that myth, and it is that time is neutral. It can be used either constructively or destructively. And I’m absolutely convinced that the forces of ill will in our nation, the extreme rightness in our nation, have often used time much more effectively than the forces of goodwill. And it may well be that we will have to repent in this generation, not merely for the vitriolic words of the bad people and the violent actions of the bad people, but for the appalling silence and indifference of the good people who sit around and say, wait on time.

Somewhere we must come to see that social progress never rolls in on the wheels of inevitability. It comes through the tireless efforts and the persistent work of dedicated individuals. And without this hard work, time itself becomes an ally of the primitive forces of social stagnation. And so we must have time, and we must realize that the time is always right to do right.

Now there’s another notion that gets out. It’s around everywhere. It’s in the South. It’s in the North. It’s in California and all over our nation. It’s a notion that legislation can’t solve the problem. It can’t do anything in this area. And those who project this argument contend that you’ve got to change the heart and that you can’t change the heart through legislation.

Now I would be the first one to say that there is real need for a lot of heart changing in our country, and I believe in changing the heart. I preach about it. I believe in the need for conversion in many instances and regeneration, to use theological terms, and I would be the first to say that if the race problem in America is to be solved, the white person must treat the Negro right, not merely because the law says it, but because it’s natural, because it’s right, and because the Negro is his brother.

And so I realize that if we are to have a truly integrated society, men and women will have to rise to the majestic heights of being obedient to the unenforceable. But after saying this, let me say another thing which gives the other side, and that is that although it may be true that morality cannot be legislated, behavior can be regulated.

Even though it may be true that the law cannot change the heart, it can restrain the heartless. Even though it may be true that the law cannot make a man love me, it can restrain him from lynching me, and I think that’s pretty important also. And so while the law may not change the hearts of men, it can and it does change the habits of men. And when you begin to change the habits of men, pretty soon the attitudes will be changed, pretty soon the hearts will be changed.

Now I’m convinced that we still need strong civil rights legislation, and there’s a bill before Congress right now to have a national federal open housing bill, a federal law declaring discrimination in housing unconstitutional, and also a bill to make the administration of justice real all over our country.

Now nobody can doubt the need for this. Nobody can doubt the need if he thinks about the fact that since 1963 some 58 Negroes and white civil rights workers have been brutally murdered in the state of Mississippi alone. Not a single person has been convicted for these dastardly crimes.

There have been some indictments, but no one has been convicted. So there is a need for the whole question of the administration of justice. There is a need for fair housing laws all over our country. And it is tragic indeed that Congress last year allowed this bill to die, and that bill died and Congress, a bit of democracy died, a bit of our commitment to justice died. And if it happens again in this session of Congress, a greater degree of our commitment to democratic principles will die.

And I can see no more dangerous trend in our country than the constant developing of predominantly Negro central cities ringed by white suburbs. This is only inviting social disaster, and the only way this problem will be solved is by the nation taking a strong stand and by state governments taking a strong stand against housing segregation and against discrimination in all of these areas.

Now there’s another thing that I’d like to mention as I talk about the Massive Action Program and time will not permit me to go into specific programmatic action to any great degree. But it must be realized now that the Negro cannot solve the problem by himself.

And there again there are those who always say to the Negroes, why don’t you do something for yourself? Why don’t you lift yourselves by your own bootstraps? And we hear this over and over again. Now certainly there are many things that we must do for ourselves and that only we can do for ourselves.

Certainly we must develop within a sense of dignity and self-respect that nobody else can give us, a sense of manhood, a sense of personhood, a sense of not being ashamed of our heritage, not being ashamed of our color. It was wrong and tragic that the Negro ever allowed himself to be ashamed of the fact that he was black or ashamed of the fact that his ancestral home was Africa. And so there’s a great deal that the Negro can do to develop self-respect.

There’s a great deal that the Negro must do and can do to amass political and economic power within his own community and by using his own resources. And so we must do certain things for ourselves, but this must not negate the fact and cause the nation to overlook the fact that the Negro cannot solve the problem himself.

A man was on the plane with me some weeks ago and he came and talked with me and he said, “The problem, Dr. King, that I see with what you all are doing is that every time I see you and other Negroes, you are protesting and you aren’t doing anything for yourself.” And he went on to tell me that he was very poor at one time and he was able to make it by doing something for himself. “Why don’t you teach your people,” he said, “to live themselves by their own bootstraps?”

And then he went on to say other groups that are faced disadvantages, the Irish, the Italians, and he went down the line. And I said to him that it does not help the Negro, it only deepens his frustration for unfeeling insensitive people to say to him that other ethnic groups who migrated were immigrants to this country just a hundred years ago or so have gotten beyond him and he came here some 344 years ago.

And I went on to remind him that the Negro came to this country involuntarily in chains, while others came voluntarily. I went on to remind him that no other racial group has been a slave on American soil. I went on to remind him that the other problem that we have faced over the years is that the society placed a stigma on the color of the Negro, on the color of his skin, because he was black.

Doors were closed to him that were not closed to other groups. And I’m to say to people that you ought to lift yourself by your own bootstraps, but it is a cruel jest to say to a bootless man that he ought to lift himself by his own bootstraps. And the fact is that millions of Negroes, as a result of centuries of denial and neglect, have been left bootless and they find themselves impoverished aliens in this affluent society.

And that is a great deal that the society can and must do if the Negro is to gain the economic security that he needs. Now one of the answers, it seems to me, is a guaranteed annual income, a guaranteed minimum income for all people and for all families of our country. It seems to me that the civil rights movement must now begin to organize for the guaranteed annual income, begin to organize people all over our country and mobilize forces so that we can bring to the attention of our nation this need and this something which I believe will go a long, long way toward dealing with the Negro’s economic problem and the economic problem with many other poor people confronting our nation.

Now, I said I wasn’t going to talk about Vietnam, but I can’t make a speech without mentioning some of the problems that we face there, because I think this war has diverted attention from civil rights, it has strengthened the forces of reaction in our country and has brought to the forefront the military industrial complex that even President Eisenhower warned us against at one time.

And above all, it is destroying human lives, destroying the lives of thousands of the young, promising men of our nation, destroying the lives of little boys and little girls in Vietnam. But one of the greatest things that this war is doing to us in civil rights is that it is allowing the great society to be shot down on the battlefields of Vietnam every day.

And I submit this afternoon that we can end poverty in the United States. Our nation has the resources to do it. The national gross product of America will rise to the astounding figure of some $780 billion this year. We have the resources. The question is whether the nation has the will.

And I submit that if we can spend $35 billion a year to fight an ill-considered war in Vietnam and $20 billion to put a man on the moon, our nation can spend billions of dollars even on their own two feet right here on Earth.

Let me say another thing that’s more in the realm of the spirit, I guess. And that is that we are to go on in the days ahead and make true brotherhood a reality. It is necessary for us to realize more than ever before that the destinies of the Negro and the white man are tied together.

Now there are still a lot of people who don’t realize this. The racists still don’t realize this. But it is the fact now that Negroes and whites are tied together. And we need each other. The Negro needs the white man to save him from his fear. The white man needs the Negro to save him from his guilt. We are tied together in so many ways — our language, our music, our cultural patterns, our material prosperity, and even our food are an amalgam of black and white.

And so there can be no separate black path to power and fulfillment that does not intersect white roots. And there can be no separate white path to power and fulfillment short of social disaster that does not recognize the need of sharing that power with black aspirations for freedom and justice.

We must come to see now that integration is not merely a romantic or aesthetic something where you merely add color to a still predominantly white power structure. Integration must be seen also on political terms where there is shared power and where black men and white men share power together to build a new and a great nation.

In a real sense, we are all caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. John Donne placed it years ago in graphic terms: No man is an island entire of itself, Every man is a piece of the continent, A part of the main. He goes on toward the end to say: Any man’s death diminishes me, because I am involved in mankind; and therefore never send to know for whom the bell tolls; it tolls for thee.

And so we are all in the same situation: the salvation of the Negro will mean the salvation of the white man. And the destruction for life and of the ongoing progress of the Negro will be the destruction of ongoing progress of the nation.

Now let me say finally that we have difficult days ahead but I haven’t despaired. Somehow I maintain hope in spite of hope and I’ve talked about the difficulties and how hard the problems will be as we tackle them.

But I want to close by saying this afternoon that I still have faith in the future and I still believe that these problems can be solved. And so I will not join anyone who will say that we still can’t develop a coalition of conscience. I realize and understand the discontent and the agony and the disappointment and even the bitterness of those who feel that whites in America cannot be trusted.

And I would be the first to say that there are all too many who are still guided by the racist ethos. But I am still convinced that there are still many white persons of good will. And I’m happy to say that I see them every day in the student generation who cherish democratic principles and justice above principle and who will stick with the cause of justice and the cause of civil rights and the cause of peace throughout the days ahead.

And so I refuse to despair. I think we are going to achieve our freedom. Because however much America strays away from the ideals of justice, the goal of America is freedom. Abused and scorned, though we may be, our destiny is tied up in the destiny of America.

Before the Pilgrim Fathers landed at Plymouth, we were here. Before Jefferson etched across the pages of history the majestic words of the Declaration of Independence, we were here. Before the beautiful words of the Star-Spangled Banner were written, we were here.

For more than two centuries our forebears labored here without wages. They made cotton kings. They built the homes of their masters in the midst of the most humiliating and oppressive conditions. Yet out of a bottomless vitality, they continued to grow and develop.

And I say that if the inexpressible cruelties of slavery couldn’t stop us, the opposition that we now face, including the so-called white backlash, will surely fail. We’re going to win our freedom because both the sacred of our nation and the eternal will of the Almighty God are embodied in our echoing demands. And so I can still sing, we shall overcome.

We shall overcome because the heart of the moral universe is long, but it bends toward justice. We shall overcome because Carlyle is right, “No lie can live forever.”

We shall overcome because William Cullen Bryant is right, “Truth crushed to earth will rise again.” We shall overcome because James Russell Lowell is right, “Truth forever on the scaffold, wrong forever on the throne, yet that scaffold sways the future.”

With faith, we will be able to hew out of the mounting of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to speed up the day when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and live together as brothers and sisters all over this great nation.

That will be a great day, that will be a great tomorrow. In the words sure to speak symbolically, that will be the day when the morning stars will sing together and the sons of God will shout for joy.

Thank you.

SUMMARY OF THIS SPEECH:

Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.’s 1967 speech at Stanford, titled ‘The Other America,’ was a powerful and profound address that highlighted the pervasive issues of racial injustice, economic inequality, and social division in the United States. In this speech, Dr. King passionately addressed the duality of the American experience, drawing attention to the stark contrast between the promise of the American dream and the harsh reality faced by marginalized communities.

1. Dual Realities in America: Dr. King began by painting a vivid picture of the two Americas—the first being affluent, privileged, and well-supported, while the other was characterized by poverty, discrimination, and lack of opportunities. He emphasized the existence of these parallel worlds existing within the same nation.
2. Racial Injustice and Segregation: Dr. King delved deeply into the persistent issue of racial injustice and segregation. He highlighted the discriminatory practices that denied African Americans basic civil rights, equal opportunities, and access to essential resources such as education and housing. He emphasized that while progress had been made, the underlying systemic racism was deeply rooted and continued to perpetuate inequality.
3. Economic Disparity and Poverty: King shed light on the economic disparity prevalent in America, underscoring that poverty was not solely an issue of race but affected individuals across various ethnicities. He emphasized that economic justice was integral to addressing the underlying causes of racial tensions and social unrest, advocating for economic reforms to uplift the impoverished communities.
4. The Urgency for Action: Dr. King passionately advocated for immediate action to address these issues. He stressed the urgency of the situation, warning that the failure to confront these problems would result in increased social upheaval and persistent division in American society.
5. Call for Unity and Social Solidarity: Dr. King emphasized the necessity for unity and solidarity among all Americans. He believed that healing the divides required collective efforts from both the privileged and the oppressed. He stressed that creating a just society was the responsibility of all citizens.
6. Nonviolent Resistance and Social Change: Throughout his speech, Dr. King reiterated the significance of nonviolent resistance as a powerful tool for bringing about social change. He advocated for peaceful protests, civil disobedience, and the power of love to overcome hatred and prejudice.
7. Government Responsibility and Policies: King addressed the role of the government, urging policymakers to enact and enforce laws that promoted equality and justice for all citizens. He called for specific policy changes to tackle poverty, discrimination, and systemic issues contributing to the other America.
8. Hope for the Future: Despite the challenges and disparities highlighted, Dr. King concluded his speech with a message of hope and optimism. He believed in the possibility of a future where justice, equality, and brotherhood would prevail, urging people to strive collectively toward that ideal.

Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.’s ‘The Other America’ speech remains a compelling and timeless call for societal change. Its resonating themes of justice, equality, unity, and the need for urgent action to address social disparities continue to hold relevance in contemporary discussions about racial injustice and inequality. His powerful words serve as a reminder that the pursuit of a fair and just society is an ongoing and collective responsibility for all citizens.

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