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Home » Jiang Xueqin: Great Power Wars Over a New World Order (Transcript)

Jiang Xueqin: Great Power Wars Over a New World Order (Transcript)

Editor’s Notes: In this episode of The Greater Eurasia Podcast, Prof. Glenn Diesen hosts Prof. Xueqin Jiang for a wide-ranging discussion on how historical patterns and game theory can be used to anticipate the next phase of global conflict and cooperation. Together they explore the US imperial model in decline, Europe’s crisis of relevance, and the brewing political and demographic turmoil across Asia. Jiang also examines why Iran now faces what he calls an existential showdown with the US–Israel axis, and how this could trigger a second, far more dangerous war. This conversation is for viewers interested in how shifting power centers may shape a fractured new world order over the coming decade. (Jan 26, 2026)

TRANSCRIPT:

GLENN DIESEN: Welcome back. We are very privileged today to be joined by Professor Jiang, who has been spot on in several of his predictions, looking at historical patterns and game theory to predict the direction of geopolitics. So thank you as always for coming back on.

PROF. XUEQIN JIANG: Thanks, Glenn.

The Unprecedented Peaceful Rise of China

GLENN DIESEN: So we see a massive change now in the international system, but usually the big changes in world order, they tend to come after major wars or sometimes with other major disruptions, such as the collapse of the Soviet Union. But what we’re witnessing now is quite remarkable with this spectacular rise of China over the past decades, which has been quite unprecedented in human history.

Also, because it’s been peaceful, it has spearheaded this massive shift of power from the west to the east, essentially ending 500 years of western leadership since the age of exploration. And in the last centuries, of course, the Western dominance, which has all now come to an end.

My concern though, and the question to you is: how likely is it that such a major shift in international distribution can occur without triggering major wars between the great powers?

Mark Carney’s Challenge to Trump’s Narrative

PROF. XUEQIN JIANG: Right, so let’s go to Mark Carney’s speech at the World Economic Forum at Davos this past week because it went viral and it got a lot of attention. So there’s direct response to Donald Trump’s argument that for the longest time, NATO, Europe, Canada have been free riding off of America’s generosity and goodwill. It is America that provides defense for Europe. It’s American consumers that have made Europe wealthy. So Europe is freeloading off American generosity.

And in his speech, Mark Carney had a counter argument. He had a rebuttal to Trump’s viewpoint. Basically what he said is that this rules-based international order, it was established for the benefit of the American empire. And so for the longest time, it was hypocritical, it was inconsistent. And the Western allies went along with this because they benefit from it.

But now America has changed its attitude. It is no longer focused on consensus, it no longer cares about multilateralism. And so now if the middle powers like Canada are to survive, they need to really develop a rules-based natural order.

And I think that’s a framework for Europe to now merge with BRICS. Because BRICS, the very idea of BRICS, is a win-win cooperation where everyone is an equal and there’s no dominant power. An example, of course, is the Shanghai Gold Exchange or the Gold Corridor, where the gold is distributed throughout the world, in Dubai, in Shanghai, wherever. But it’s like a blockchain. It’s a ledger, open ledger, where gold becomes the basis for a new financial system.

And so China is very much focused on multilateralism, on win-win cooperation, on reciprocity. And that’s the future that Mark Carney believes the middle powers should strive for. And that’s a framework that Mark Carney and the other middle powers, the Europeans, would like to implement.

The problem, as you say, is there is no way that American empire will just fade away and let BRICS, this new multilateral system, develop. And so in the national security strategy, it’s very explicit in that America will not give up its empire, but it will change the tactics by which it rules the empire. So no more multilateralism, no more liberal order, just pure focus on national best interests. That’s number one.

Number two is that it will from now on perceive its allies as vassals. So all these US Treasuries that Europe holds, Japan holds, South Korea holds, it actually belongs to America. It is America that controls the resources and the wealth of its allies. So basically, the vassalization of the American empire. That’s number two.

Number three, and this is most crucial, is that it will challenge China wherever it can. So even though America will remove its military from East Asia, it will continue to challenge China in Africa, in Europe, in South America. It claims hegemony over the Western Hemisphere, and it will embargo China’s economic development from now on.

So we are seeing right now a clash of titans, where on one hand, China is leading a new international order that is multilateral, reciprocal, and win-win. And then the Americans want to maintain their empire. So that’s a conflict that we’re seeing right now.

The Illusion of Benign Hegemony

GLENN DIESEN: Well, since 1945, though, this system of consensus and multilateralism, it was managed under declared leadership of the United States. I mean, there was no illusions that it was not the dominant power, the hegemon. So once you’re the only game in town, there’s no competitors. It’s easier to be a benign hegemon because they will naturally gravitate towards the United States.

But as the US now has China as the main rival, it has to use harder tools. But the harder or more aggressively the US uses economic coercion to both weaken adversaries and ensure the obedience of allies in this system, or let’s call them vassals, which probably is more correct, the more you incentivize the allies to decouple or diversify and for adversaries to collectively balance.

And, well, from my impression of the Canadian prime minister, this is part of the thing that he was communicating as well.