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Home » Prof. Jeffrey Sachs: Why Iran Can’t Trust Trump (Transcript)

Prof. Jeffrey Sachs: Why Iran Can’t Trust Trump (Transcript)

The following is the full transcript of economist and public policy analyst Professor Jeffrey Sachs’ interview on Judging Freedom podcast, June 22, 2025.

Editor’s Note: In this episode of Judging Freedom, Professor Jeffrey Sachs joins host Judge Andrew Napolitano to discuss the current geopolitical situation surrounding Iran, Israel, and the United States. Sachs analyzes the implications of the ongoing conflict, criticizing the “greater Israel” project and advocating for a two-state solution to secure long-term peace in the region. Additionally, he evaluates President Trump’s efforts to negotiate an end to the war with Iran, arguing that despite past criticisms of the administration, pursuing a diplomatic resolution is the correct path forward for American interests.

Iran, the Strait of Hormuz, and the Limits of American Diplomacy

JUDGE ANDREW NAPOLITANO: Andrew Napolitano here for Judging Freedom. Today is Monday, June 22nd, 2026. Professor Jeffrey Sachs joins us now. Professor Sachs, as always, it’s a pleasure, and I know you’re traveling and you’re on the other side of the world, so an extra thanks for sharing this time with us. Is the Strait of Hormuz open?

PROFESSOR JEFFREY SACHS: I’m not sure because I haven’t checked in the last 5 minutes, but I think it is going to be open in the coming days. Of course, Israel is doing everything it can to make sure that it doesn’t open and that the war continues. But Trump wants the strait opened. The Iranians want the strait opened. And I suspect they’re going to find a way to do that.

JUDGE ANDREW NAPOLITANO: It certainly will be open for Iranian tankers and probably open for tankers willing to pay a user fee, irrespective of what the President of the United States calls it. I mean, this is a significant revenue-generating factor for the Iranian government, is it not?

The Cost of American Sanctions on Iran

PROFESSOR JEFFREY SACHS: Well, if Iran were to charge a dollar a barrel for what passes through in a commodity that will be around $80 a barrel, first of all, this is not the end of the world. This is not a big deal.

Iran has suffered terribly at the deliberate economic destruction by the United States, which went out to break the Iranian currency, break the Iranian banks, break the Iranian economy. And it also suffered tens of billions of dollars of losses from Israeli-US aggression since February 28th. So charging a dollar a barrel, if it did that — I have no idea whether it’s actually going to do that — would make perfect sense.

If the United States had any manners at all — by that I mean the US government — first, it wouldn’t have bombed Iran. Second, it wouldn’t have tried to destroy the economy. And third, it wouldn’t make a big deal about this particular issue. This is a few billion dollars of revenue in the context of losing tens of billions of dollars and thousands of lives to a war of aggression, and losing a much, much larger sum through the deliberate actions to crush the Iranian economy.

And we’ll see what happens, but the US, one way or another, has basically — I wouldn’t say stolen, the term is frozen — but it has deprived Iran of its own money in many offshore banks. Because the way that the US sanctions system works is that it tells other countries, “You must freeze Iran’s assets no matter whether you have any kind of conflict with Iran, because if you don’t do it, we’re going to punish your banks.”

So all in all, the United States has inflicted probably hundreds of billions of dollars of losses on Iran. And then to huff and puff about whether there’s a fee in the Strait of Hormuz is hardly the point.

Netanyahu’s Debacle and Israeli Militarism

JUDGE ANDREW NAPOLITANO: Got it. Does the Israeli public recognize that the war was fruitless, that Iran is stronger now than it was a year ago, and that all of this is the fault of Benjamin Netanyahu?

PROFESSOR JEFFREY SACHS: I think in Israel there’s a lot of blame about a lot of things that Netanyahu has done. But basically, Netanyahu has led Israel into a terrible debacle, obviously, to say the least.

He was presiding on October 7th, 2023, when Hamas attacked. That by itself was enough of irresponsibility, though we don’t know every definitive fact about what failed on that day. But he was prime minister, and any normal prime minister would have taken responsibility. Of course, Netanyahu is not a normal prime minister. He has an arrest warrant for him by the International Criminal Court. And he has corruption charges at home. And he is not a nice man, let’s just put it that way.

So there are many complaints. The war with Iran has failed. Now, the point, though, about the Israeli public is they’re not protesting against Netanyahu necessarily because he has been too hard. There are attacks on him for being too soft — if you can imagine, for a genocidaire, for someone who has launched wars and invaded other countries. We have Naftali Bennett, one of the leaders of the opposition, saying that as soon as he becomes prime minister, as soon as Netanyahu is no longer prime minister, the war against Iran is going to start again.

So there’s a lot of very, very vulgar militarism in Israel, and it’s not limited to Netanyahu, Smotrich, and Ben-Gvir. And it’s not limited to the political class in the case of Israel.

And this, I want to draw a distinction with the American scene. In the United States, we have a political class which is basically pro-war. That’s true of the Republicans, it’s true of the Democrats. It is warmongering funded by the military-industrial-digital complex, which makes a lot of money from these wars and has other reasons as well. But the public in the United States is against all of this.

And bravo to the American people.