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Home » Transcript: Tucker Carlson on War, Peace, Trump, and the Constitution

Transcript: Tucker Carlson on War, Peace, Trump, and the Constitution

In this Judging Freedom Podcast episode, streamed live December 17, 2025, Judge Andrew Napolitano welcomes Tucker Carlson for a wide-ranging conversation about how America wages war today, what real peace would require, and how far President Trump has already pushed the constitutional limits on executive power.

Carlson describes being told by a sitting member of Congress that lawmakers were briefed on an imminent U.S. military move against Venezuela, and argues that 80 years of regime-change wars—from Iraq to Libya—prove such interventions never benefit ordinary Americans. Together they walk through the War Powers Resolution, the Founders’ intent that Congress—not the president—decide questions of war and peace, and how both parties have quietly normalized unauthorized conflicts under vague “national security” justifications. The discussion also touches on free speech, media propaganda, and why Carlson believes citizens must relearn their own Constitution if they want to stop the next manufactured war before it starts.

Opening Remarks

ANDREW NAPOLITANO: Hi, everyone. Judge Andrew Napolitano here for Judging Freedom. Today is Wednesday, December 17, 2025. My next guest needs no introduction. He is literally the best known media commentator in the Western world. He is also my former colleague and my friend, Tucker Carlson. Tucker, thank you very much for your time today. I have a lot to ask you about and pick your brain on, and I deeply appreciate your time. Thanks.

TUCKER CARLSON: Oh, I appreciate it. Thank you.

The Schumer Censure and Free Speech

ANDREW NAPOLITANO: Thank you. I write a column every Thursday, and my column that comes out late tonight is called “Tucker Carlson and the Freedom of Speech.” It’s about the bizarre efforts of Chuck Schumer and 40 Democrats in the United States Senate to censure you because of what you did not say on your podcast. How dangerous is it for people like you and me that are accustomed to unbridled freedom of speech today? And why is Schumer coming after you? What is he afraid of?

TUCKER CARLSON: Well, there are a couple levels. I mean, on one level, it’s hilarious. I don’t think my interview with Nick Fuentes is like a matter of national concern, really, given everything else that’s going on. So it’s like incredibly small bore.

But yeah, this is not just a foretaste. This is kind of where we are now with speech, where both parties have aligned against the core American freedom. In fact, the thing that makes America exceptional, which is the recognition that our right to say what we really believe comes from God, not government, and it cannot be abridged. And that’s why it’s the first item in the Bill of Rights, of course. So both parties are against that now. So that tells you what the future is going to look like.

It doesn’t reduce our obligation to do it fearlessly anyway, because like the right itself, the obligation itself is something that we’re born with. That’s my view.

But there’s something else that bothers me about this, which is it’s just, it’s of course, identity politics. Now, I said in my interview with Fuentes, I’m totally opposed to anti-Semitism because I think it’s immoral. My religion tells me that. And my sort of civic duty as an American is to say that because if we allow tribalism to take hold here, the country will be destroyed. And I really believe that. So I don’t have any problem at all saying—I say it often, and I mean it—anti-Semitism is immoral.

But so is any kind of hate against any person on the basis of his DNA. Okay, we can’t have blood guilt in the United States. Schumer and the ADL and a lot of the people who were jumping up and down about anti-Semitism—and I’m on their side on that—were the main purveyors of anti-white hate for decades, literally for decades, setting up a system more complex than Jim Crow to keep people down, to prevent people from getting jobs or getting into college or getting federal grants on the basis of their race. Okay, they did that.

So the only way out of this is for people like Schumer and for the ADL to say out loud, “All forms of hate on the basis of DNA blood are immoral and we will join the fight against them,” to repent from what they’ve been doing. And if they do that, of course I will send them money and I will support them because that’s the most important thing.

You see where this is going. Identity politics leads to Rwanda every single time. And it will. That will happen here. And so we need to think bigger. If you’re against anti-Semitism, you have to be precisely as against anti-white hate or anti-black hate, anti-Malaysian hate, whatever. You’re against hating people on the basis of how they were born. You are instead committed to treating people on the basis of how they behave. That we said we believe that. We clearly don’t, but we need to re-establish that. And that’s got to be the baseline.

And anyone who’s been promoting race hate as Chuck Schumer and the ADL and many other groups have—American Jewish Congress, all of them—any person who’s promoting race hate does not have the moral standing to lecture me about race hate because I’m against all of it.

The Chilling Effect on Free Speech

ANDREW NAPOLITANO: Right, but you have an enormous megaphone, universal respect, and the stiffest backbone. I know this is not going to intimidate you. Others that Chuck Schumer may target for political reasons, he may intimidate. That’s called chilling. The First Amendment prohibits anybody in the government from using the levers of governmental power available to them to chill the free speech rights of that speech which they hate or fear.

TUCKER CARLSON: Exactly. And you see it happening. I mean, it happened to the Heritage Foundation, you know, and the guy who runs the Heritage Foundation comes out and issues a statement partly on my behalf, which probably was not wise and I get it, but I was friends with him, so—but really on behalf of the principle of freedom of speech, like, you have a right to say what you think, and then if you don’t like it, we debate it.