Transcript: America First or Lindsey Graham’s Psychosexual Death Cult? – Tucker Carlson Show

Now, what does it attempt to achieve by policing them? Well, it attempts to achieve silence. It wants them to shut up about what is actually happening.

What is actually happening is that on the foreign policy side, which is the side that Washington cares about because it’s got the most money and the most power, you can literally kill people, and there’s no power greater than that. Our foreign policy is not wholly dependent on the whims of Israel. Of course, we have acting in lots of parts of the world that have nothing to do with Israel, but it is unduly influenced by the concerns of Israel.

And in some cases, the US Government has acted, and these are all well known. The Iraq war, for example, has acted in ways that hurt the United States in order to help Israel. It has put the aims of a foreign power above its own interests. And that’s immoral, it’s illegitimate, it’s extremely unpopular domestically, and it just doesn’t work over time. That’s not sustainable. You can’t, there’s no way to justify that.

So rather than trying to justify it, they scream at people and tell them to be quiet and read them out of the movement and call them names and threaten them. But ultimately, because it’s not a winning message, it cannot win over time, particularly if people are allowed or somehow managed to describe it accurately.

The Truth Breaks Through

And unfortunately for the guardians of the old system, the old Republican Party, people have been allowed to describe it accurately, mostly because Elon Musk opened up X and when he did that, you get all kinds of filth and nonsense and lies, but you also get some truth, actually quite a bit of truth.

And one of the main things that people are telling the truth about that they didn’t tell the truth about before is that our foreign policy really doesn’t have much to do with what’s good for the United States. And once those words have been uttered, they can’t be taken back. And they change people’s minds. And the polls reflect the fact that they have, people’s views are different.

So in the face of this kind of inevitable change of heart, collective change of heart in America, where both parties are like, wait, why are we doing this? The people who are benefiting from the old arrangement, which only continued because it was maintained by threats and silence. Those people are going absolutely bonkers. And they have been all week.

And they’re claiming it’s about one thing, Holocaust or something like that. But no, really, it’s about who controls the Republican Party after Donald Trump. That’s what it’s really about. So ignore the moral posturing. This is a power struggle, as all political parties have from time to time. And this one just happens to have a lot of emotionally unbalanced, hysterical people with no limits who have access to social media. So they’re scaring the crap out of everybody. But it’s really kind of a conventional power struggle.

The Case of Lindsey Graham

So who are the players in this? Well, some of them are in the pundit class. The more ludicrous ones are in the pundit class. But some of them are actual sitting politicians. And if you were to choose one who symbolizes what we’re actually debating and the stakes of this conversation, it would have to be Lindsey Graham.

Lindsey Graham is a senator, a senior senator from the state of South Carolina, one of the most conservative, reliably Republican states out of 50. And he has been in Congress since 1994, so that would be 31 years. And he is running for yet another term as a US senator. He’s 70 years old. He’d like to serve till he’s 77.

And he has the support, not simply of the White House, he has an endorsement from the president, but he has more donor support probably than anyone who’s ever run in the history of the United States. I mean, Lindsey Graham has so much donor support. And donors, just as a numerical question, probably represent 100th of 1% of the American population, but have a great deal higher proportion of the money. He’s the most popular candidate they’ve ever backed. He’s like a higher IQ, less grating Nikki Haley, Ron DeSantis. And so they’ll be backing him. And all things being equal, he will be reelected.

Why This Race Matters

And so why does this matter? Well, it matters not because Lindsey Graham is like a horrible person. I mean, maybe a horrible person. The truth is, Lindsey Graham is actually a very charming person and a very interesting dinner partner and a fun person to be with. Hilariously funny.

I met him for the first time. I was his seatmate on a campaign bus in 1999. He was a member of Congress, and we spent a couple of weeks sitting next to each other, and by the end, I thought to myself, I love this guy. He’s hilarious. Always a joke, always has a drink in his hand. He’s genuinely a cheerful person, probably fun to play golf with.

So the reason that this is an important race is not because Lindsey Graham is like Mark Levin, someone, if you were stuck in an elevator with him, you’d have to obviously kill yourself because you couldn’t handle. He’s not that. You’d enjoy being stuck in an elevator with him.

The reason it’s so important is because Lindsey Graham is the living symbol of the old Republican Party, the Republican Party that did a lot, almost as much as the Democratic Party, to destroy the United States. And so if he is reelected next November, that will be a sign that actually the Democratic system doesn’t work.

Lindsey Graham’s views are not popular. They are despised in the state of South Carolina. His views. If you disaggregate Lindsey Graham from what he believes and just poll Republican primary voters in South Carolina, do you agree with this? Lindsey Graham would be less popular than the Democrat because his views are repugnant to Republican voters and to Trump voters.

And so if he were to get elected anyway, it would tell you that the system doesn’t respond to the concerns of voters, and therefore the system isn’t working and isn’t legitimate because the point of the system is to respond to those concerns. And so a lot is at stake.

If Lindsey Graham wins, it will be the most dispiriting thing to happen in American politics in a very, very long time. If Kamala Harris were to win in the last, it would be horrible. She’d be an awful president, probably even worse than Biden. Insecure, fragile, weird, dumb. You can just imagine. Nightmare.

But at least you could say, well, she was elected by a party that kind of agrees with her. Kamala Harris got elected because the Democrats are insane. Okay, what’s the excuse if you’re a Republican voter, if you’re a Trump voter, for electing Lindsey Graham? Hard to think of one.

Exposing Graham’s Record

So just want to spend a couple of minutes before we go to one of the men challenging Lindsey Graham in the Republican primary next June, Paul Dans, who we’re going to talk to in a minute. We want to go through a couple of things you should know about Lindsey Graham.

If Graham gets reelected, it’ll be because the true Lindsey Graham, his record, his views, his priorities, his dark impulses are all lost in the haze of propaganda that surrounds him. And people only know him through the political ads that his donors paid for. So we think it’s important for people to know who he actually is.

We’re going to start with a clip. We could do this for like eight hours, but we’re going to do this for like 20 minutes because we want to get to the guest. But we’re going to start with a clip from this past Saturday, I think, this past weekend. And Lindsey Graham was giving a speech for the Republican Jewish Coalition, I think, in Vegas. And he was one of many speakers who were getting hysterical and threatening violence against Republicans who don’t agree with them and jumping up and down and raging about the Nazis, the Nazis, 80 years after we defeated them.

And Lindsey Graham was probably in some ways less hysterical, but he was the kind of most important office holder at this event. And he said a couple of things that really reveal the program precisely. Here is Lindsey Graham this last weekend.

VIDEO CLIP BEGINS:

LINDSEY GRAHAM: He recognized Jerusalem as capital of Israel. Why? Because if you got a problem with that, take it up with God. He’s got the guy did it, not Trump. So I just want to say I feel good about the Republican Party. I feel good about where we’re going as a nation. We’re killing all the right people. We’re cutting your taxes.

VIDEO CLIP ENDS:

Unpacking Graham’s Message

So there are a couple of things to notice about this that really tell you everything you need to about Lindsey Graham. First, he’s, we left the context, he’s defending Donald Trump. He’s saying, not defending Trump is probably pretty popular in the room, but he’s saying, remember, Trump’s like a great president. Why is he great? Well, because he moved the US Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem.

What? I mean, okay, you can make a case for it or not, but like, why should I care? Exactly. It’s a purely symbolic move. It has actual consequences internally in Israel, but it doesn’t even pretend to improve your life. Graham didn’t get up and say, he made prescription drugs cheaper to lower your health insurance, make it easier for your kids to buy a home. You got the cities under control. They’re now safe. You can use the parks. He’s improving the schools. You couldn’t send your kids to public school. Now you can. You can use the emergency rooms again because he’s deported 10 million illegal aliens who were hogging the space, which is where we currently are.

No, the reason you should love Trump is because he moved the embassy, the US Embassy in a foreign country from one city to another. Huh. Why does that matter?

Well, Lindsey Graham explained why it matters because God commanded it. Oh, if you don’t like that, take it up with God. So God, it turns out. And this may be in one of the non-canonical books in the scriptures. God wanted the US State Department to move the American Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. I mean, it’s like kind of a basic tenet of our faith. It may even be in the catechism. What?

And of course, given the venue, no one raised hand said, I’m sorry, Lindsey Graham, not a Bible scholar here, but how do we know that God wanted the State Department to move an embassy 80 miles or whatever the distance is from one city to another. How do we know that’s God’s preference?

But Lindsey, this is kind of a tick of Lindsey Graham. He explained recently that if you have a problem within Israel, God will kill you. And that would include the United States. He said, I’m almost quoting him here, if the United States abandons Israel, God will abandon the United States and kill us all. We’ll die if we don’t support, as he calls it, Israel. Israel. This is the Mike Huckabee pronunciation “Israel,” which may be some kind of like dog whistle meant to telegraph that like, I’m really on your side. It may be like the Kiev rather than Kyiv. When you call it Israel, it’s like, yeah, I got it. We’re on the same page.

But anyway, so the first thing we learned is the most important fact to know about Trump. The reason you should love him is because he supports Israel. Second is God demands whatever sort of like policy at the moment is God’s will. Lindsey Graham, who, like guessing, probably not a Bible scholar. And if he is, he’s skipping over certain parts of the book.

Excuse me. And the third thing to learn, and this really is the heart of Lindsey Graham, is that the Republican Party is doing what you voted for us to do. And that is, and I’m quoting now, cutting your taxes and killing all the right people. So that, that’s like, that’s the perfect distillation. Lindsey Graham is clever. He’s hardly a genius. He’s not like a philosopher or anything. But he has summed up the Republican Party that Donald Trump overthrew more precisely than any person I’ve ever heard in my life. Cutting your taxes and killing all the right people.

Because that really is the crispest way to describe the marriage of libertarian economics and neocon foreign policy. Cutting taxes and killing. And if you think about it, who’d want to be associated with that? Not an argument for higher taxes. Higher taxes can be bad, but cutting taxes is not a virtue in itself. The point is, if people are overburdened by the tax system. It’s hurting them, and we’re not getting a lot out of it. If it’s growing like, you know, some completely impenetrable democracy that’s hurting the country, which it is, by the way, then of course you want to cut taxes, I guess to starve the cancer or whatever, you can make the argument.

But cutting taxes itself is hardly a virtue. It’s a. It’s a contextual matter. Sometimes it is, sometimes it totally depends. But in Lindsey Graham’s simplistic but heartfelt formulation, cutting taxes is just a positive good always. And so is killing people. Killing people. You could sum up foreign policy. Killing people. Killing the right people. No, they got to be the right people. But killing people. Killing people is just. It’s just a good thing. Like, it’s one of the things don’t need to describe. It’s like sex with your wife. Just good. Have you. Have you killed someone today? Oh, good. You have. Okay, good. That’s how he thinks of it.

And if you take three steps back, I mean, you’re sort of tempted. If you’ve known Lindsey Graham like I have for 25 years, you’re like, yeah, it’s Lindsey Graham. You know, he’s always saying these provocative things, but if you think about it for a second, you’re a sick fuck if you say something like that, much less if you believe it. Killing people. You’re met anyone who’s killed someone? You probably have. You may be someone who’s taken a human life. It’s a very heavy thing. And it’s something that even if you win the fight and walk away and the other man doesn’t, it stays with you for life, because it’s the heaviest thing there is. And it’s the most forbidden thing there is. It’s the darkest thing there is. We don’t create life. And except under very rare, specific circumstances, we’re not allowed to extinguish it because we’re not God.

And so if you’re casually encouraging other people to kill, and if you’re gleefully in front of an audience applauding like seals, bragging about the killing that you are doing, you know, you’re not on the team you think you are, that’s really evil. And if that’s what your party amounts to, cutting taxes and killing people, who’s for that? I mean, some people are for it. All the. The ghouls in the room are for it. Killing people, okay. But most people, especially when they have time to think about it, like you’re on a plane, you have time to stare at the window and think about what something means. You’re repulsed by that because it’s repulsive. It’s the most repulsive thing.

And in fact, a good government, a government that really cared about its people, would do everything it possibly could to prevent people with that attitude, like Lindsey Graham, from ever holding power or wielding it over others because they’re monsters. Cheerful monster, hilarious monster, good natured monster, but monster. There’s kind of no way around it. And in a moment where people are being, you know, deplatformed and censored and screamed at and called names for their opinions, you know, some of those opinions are good, some are bad. Okay, we can debate opinions, but just not. We’re not debating opinions. We’re just crushing people for having opinions that, you know, we’re characterizing a certain way and calling them bad, denouncing them.

Here you have a guy who’s really never denounced by anybody, bragging about killing. And all the little ghouls are applauding. It’s amazing moment.

But if you’re a Republican voter, if you’re a Trump voter, for example, a Republican donor or someone who thinks of himself as like kind of boxed in by the system and unable to vote for anybody but Republicans, you need to do whatever you can to make sure that that’s not your party’s platform, cutting taxes and killing people. And you need to make sure that the guy who’s joking about it on stage and beaming with joy as he talks about murder is not one of your leaders. You really have to do that for your own sake and for the sake of your country.

Now, are we taking that out of context? Is that just like something we polled and he was maybe drunk again and it was a joke and we’re being unfair and. No, no, not at all. Lindsey Graham of all members, except maybe this, the. That weird guy from Florida, Randy Fine, who’s like openly endorsing genocide. Lindsey Graham of every member of Congress can be relied upon at every public event, every photo opportunity, every time you run into him on the street to be calling for the murder of somebody. Killing is the point of Lindsey Graham’s political career. Trying to convince the rest of us to get on board with killing when we won’t. Screaming at us and calling us names. And you’re the hater because you’re not on board with killing this or that person. It’s all about killing people.

I want to give you a second example. This is Lindsey Graham, who’s from the very beginning been a staunch supporter of really one of the most brutal dictators, let’s just say it out loud, in Europe in 80 years. And that would be Zelensky, the unelected dictator of Ukraine, who’s basically devoting half of his life to extinguishing Christianity in Ukraine. All of us are supposed to ignore that, but it’s actually happening. Putting priests in jail, killing his political opponents, murdering critics. That’s happening right now. Lindsey Graham, of course, loves him because he’s doing a lot of killing, killing the right people, as Lindsay put it.

Here’s Lindsey Graham in a conversation with Zelensky. And sorry, another parenthetical note. Graham and Zelenskyy, both of whom are hardened warriors, run around in military uniforms talking about how tough they are. Neither one will ever sit for an interview that isn’t a kiss ass interview. I’ve made about a hundred requests to each of them. No. So they interview each other. But here’s Lindsey Graham talking to Prime Minister Zelensky about killing. Watch.

VIDEO CLIP BEGINS:

Zelenskyy: Free or die.

Lindsey Graham: Free or death.

Zelenskyy: Now we are free. And we will be.

Lindsey Graham: Russians are dying. The best money we’ve ever spent.

Zelenskyy: Thank you so much.

VIDEO CLIP ENDS:

TUCKER CARLSON: The Russians are dying. It’s the best money we’ve ever spent.

Again, just encouraging you to think about what you’re hearing for a second because all of a sudden we live in a moment when a lot of people are espousing violence. It’s funny, a year ago, if you had asked a year on election night, if you had asked a lot of Trump voters, like, why are you voting for Trump? They would give positive reasons. I really think that the American government should serve American citizens. I believe in America first, but they would also, I think, say, I’m really afraid of the other guys.

And two of the things that bother me most about them is they don’t believe in free speech. They’re constantly pushing for censorship. And their rhetoric is violent. Their rhetoric, they’re encouraging violence. They encourage the BLM riots. They encourage violence all the time.

And yet a year later, here you have all these leading Republicans doing what are they doing? Oh, demanding censorship. Should be fired for saying that you shouldn’t platform someone, meaning you shouldn’t let them talk and you shouldn’t be allowed to talk to people we disagree with. All of a sudden, we’re in charge of who you talk to. That’s not totalitarian or anything. I can choose who you talk to. And we’re going to just openly say that people we don’t like should die, should die.

And here’s Lindsey Graham taking joy in, and I’m quoting, “Russians dying. Best money we ever spent.” If you can spend money to make people die, that is money well spent, you freak.

By the way, it’s not, you know, here are the five generals or ten generals or list of people we think are responsible for war crimes and the Donbas. Okay? I mean, we can debate whether they are or not. Probably not, but maybe they are. And you say the person who committed the crime is being punished. But Lindsey Graham, who has a completely non-Western understanding of justice, is saying because they are in this group, they must die.

Individual Justice vs. Collective Punishment

So that’s the distinction, and this is the actual fight. It’s a fight between people who understand justice, the way that Christians understand justice, which is on an individual basis. We punish the guilty. We punish the person for committing the crime. We don’t punish his kids, people who share the same last name or live down the street from him, or look like him or are somehow related to him, speak the same language as him, because they didn’t do anything wrong.

We don’t punish the innocent in Christianity because we believe in the human soul, the individual soul. We don’t think we’re judged as a group. We think we are judged as individuals. We’ll stand alone, alone before God to account for what we did, not for what our kids did, not for what our grandparents did, not for what our neighbors did or our countrymen did, or our leaders did, but for what we did. And that is the basis of Western justice.

And it’s being abandoned and without a fight because people don’t understand what is happening. But make no mistake, the attitude that you just heard from Lindsey Graham is an Eastern understanding, a non-Christian understanding of justice. The Russians, what does that mean? What Russians? Just Russians. They’re dying. Best money we ever spent.

So you’re watching two things. You’re watching someone who’s embraced collective punishment as Israel has, as most of the world has, by the way. It’s not just Israel and it’s not just Lindsey Graham. It’s most countries at most times in history believed in collective punishment and collective reward. You’re the favored group, you’re the Tutsis and you get a better deal or whatever. You’re the chosen people in whatever society or religion, but you’re the Brahmins. You get, because of your DNA, a better deal.

The diversity DEI, affirmative action, they’re all species of the same kind of thinking, which is collective thinking, which denies the reality of the individual human soul. And it is therefore anti-Christian. And the entire West was set up as a bulwark against that kind of thinking. And that’s why it succeeded, and that’s why it’s been free and prosperous and happy. And people like Lindsey Graham don’t acknowledge that. And instead they worship death. And he has, as noted, a long career of doing this.

January 6th and the Culture of Fear

This is not a conservative principle. This is not a Christian principle. This is a left-wing, atheist, agnostic at best principle. This is the “I am God, I’ll kill whom I want, when I want” principle. And it’s been on display his whole life.

On January 6th, Lindsey Graham said to a Capitol Hill police officer, “You guys have guns, why don’t you shoot them all in the head? I wish you had shoot them all in the head.” These aren’t Russians. These are Americans. These are like 60-year-old ladies with pocket constitutions in their handbags and diabetes and bad knees who thought their election was stolen from them because they believe in the system. And so they marched on the Capitol.

They didn’t know at the time that there were like 230 FBI, whatever they were, agents provocateurs, that the whole thing was managed. Some of us sensed that immediately. Lindsey Graham could find out. Maybe he has. He doesn’t care. Those people in some cases, lured into this trap, allowed into the Capitol by security, that’s on videotape. We’re not guessing. Those people should be executed because what, they made him scared, and he was scared on 9/11. Talk to his colleagues. I have.

Lindsey Graham was terrified. Lindsey Graham is a physical coward. Of course he is. All the chicken hawks are. That’s why they don’t fight the wars. But they’re also victims in this. When you call for the deaths of others, when you regard other people’s lives as meaningless, when you think it’s the best use of federal tax dollars to murder them as he does, you become more afraid for your own life. It’s always true. Dictators are always paranoid and afraid. They’re never brave, ever. And Lindsey Graham is no different. Shoot them in the face.

What Does Conservative Even Mean?

So the idea that Lindsey Graham is a conservative with the caveat that, like, who even knows what a conservative is now? Conservative. Is Mark Levin a conservative? Dave Rubin, whoever that is, is he conservative? Okay, I guess. I mean, whatever. But if those are the people. Ted Cruz, conservative. I don’t see a close look at Ted Cruz’s life. What’s conservative about it? Let’s take a close look at Lindsey Graham’s life. Is that conservative? And what’s the reference point for that? What do you even mean?

People like that have a completely different set of values on the deepest level, not on a surface level. We’re not arguing here about tax rates, you know, and whether we should allow reimportation prescription drugs. I mean, it’s not a policy debate. This is a debate that flows from deepest level convictions, from foundational beliefs, and that is evident in the way that people live.

If I took a microscope to your life, what would I find? And in the case of almost every single warmonger, you find chaos and sadness and alienation and weird behavior and abusiveness and alcoholism. It’s like if they’re a disaster and so they’re projecting outward the hate that they feel on, in some cases, entire populations and increasingly on the American population. On the American population.

So when you think of, like a conservative as, you know, buttoned down and has his act together and is committed to his family and his grandchildren, it’s like, this is not that conservative. So are they conservative? Who knows what they are?

Graham’s History of Siding with Democrats

But the point is, Lindsey Graham has sided with the Democratic Party from his earliest days in the Congress. I mean, this is literally the guy who convinced John McCain to turn over the ridiculous Russiagate, the original Russiagate private investigator slash intel agency files about Donald Trump, the pee tape and the rest, to turn it over to the FBI as if it was real.

Lindsey Graham believed that the 2020 election, the 2016 election, was controlled by Russia. There was never any evidence for that at all. But he believed that. He said it. He believed Trump was a Russian agent. How did he wind up in the inner circle? I mean, God knows what’s actually going on.

But the point is, if that’s the future of the Republican Party, it’s going to be a very small party. And it’s going to be a small party where like, the worst people in the world are all, like, clustered together, jock sniffing, yelling at each other. Who knows? Shoot, who knows what they do?

The George Floyd Response

But if you wonder, like, who Lindsey Graham actually is, what his gut instincts are, take a look at his first reaction to the death of George Floyd. And in case you don’t remember that story, it was Memorial Day 2020. This convicted armed robber, home invader, drug addict, former porn star, tries to pass a counterfeit bill in a convenience store, like these poor convenience store owners in Minneapolis, and gets arrested for it and then promptly dies of a drug overdose. That was all pretty obvious from day one, actually. But that wasn’t Lindsey Graham’s view at all. Here’s what Lindsey Graham said about George Floyd.

VIDEO CLIP BEGINS:

LINDSEY GRAHAM: The topic for the country is what to do after the death of Mr. Floyd. And what does the death of Mr. Floyd mean? Well, it’s a long overdue wake-up call of the country that there are too many of these cases where African American men die in police custody under fairly brutal circumstances. Mr. Floyd’s case is outrageous on its face, but I think it speaks to a broader issue. I think this committee has the potential to reinforce things in society that will lead to better policing. And hopefully one day, if you’re a young black man and the cops pull up behind you, you be wondering if you were going too fast rather than you’re going to get beat up.

VIDEO CLIP ENDS:

TUCKER CARLSON: It is liberal white women like Lindsey Graham who are the real problem. I mean, here he is. What’s his first instinct? By the way? That’s June of 2020. That’s like days after it happens. Congressional hearing. Kamala Harris is looking like as a fake black person. I’m really, really concerned about what you’re saying, Lindsey Graham. But he’s saying exactly the same thing. She would say exactly the same.

What’s the core assumption that everything you saw at NBC News is true? The story that you were fed was absolutely true. And it was a cop problem, wasn’t George Floyd’s? George Floyd had nothing to do with it. He was just like some random black guy who got pulled off the street for being black and executed. Thank God on camera. So the rest of us saw it. But for being black. And this is like endemic in our society. It’s like happily every black person in America is just like murdered by the cops. These damn white cops making $50,000 a year. They have all the power.

Yeah, so that was his gut reaction. He bought the whole thing. And there he is lecturing cops. Really the problem is we need better policing in this country, really. And of course none of that turned out to be true. And you know, it was obvious to some of us on like day one that this was BS. It was a manufactured crisis designed to affect broad social change. It was a revolution. And it was. And it did affect broad social change.

And hundreds of thousands of Americans have died of crime or drug overdoses ever since because of the so-called reforms that people like Lindsey Graham screamed about, screeched about. He and the other liberal white ladies demanded that we re-educate the police because that’s their fault.

Imagine having that response, you know, also that response. Nikki Haley had the response. Nikki Haley, also from South Carolina, also a crazed neocon. First thing she said, “The riots happening are good for America. We need to watch what’s happening and feel the pain because we deserve it. It’s our fault really.” When a convicted armed robber tries to pass a counterfeit bill at some convenience store and then dies of a fentanyl overdose, it’s our fault. Tell me how that works.

But no one challenged her. No one challenged him. They immediately joined the chorus of the worst people in the world whose first instinct was to blame the people who did nothing wrong, in this case the cops. And the consequences were terrible for American society and no one ever called them to account for it.

The Real Motivation: Global Power and Foreign Interests

Now why did they do that? Partly because all the ladies in a certain income class, or many of them have just like the same gut reactions. And it’s resentment toward men and it’s self-hatred and it’s guilt and, and the desire to seem virtuous in public, et cetera, et cetera, et cetera. Books have been written about this, though not enough, but really it has to.

The fact they don’t care what happens to the United States because it’s not really that relevant, because that’s not their goal. Their goal is not to improve the United States, which is why they haven’t, not even a little bit. Their goal is to be power players in global politics because it makes them feel strong. To kill people, because you get a real electric charge from that and to serve the interests of Israel.

Oh, it’s an anti-Semitic slur. No, it’s what they say out loud all the time. Here’s Lindsey Graham is an amazing clip. I don’t, no one even noticed this. Watch this. This is Lindsey Graham describing his personal travel schedule and how often he’s in Israel. Watch this.

VIDEO CLIP BEGINS:

LINDSEY GRAHAM: Well, this is my fifth visit, I think, since October 7th. I’m here for a reason, to show support, report to you, my good friend, the elected leader of the state of Israel. I’m here also to take on, and I will talk about this tomorrow, a form of blood libel in 2024 that the state of Israel is using starvation as a weapon of war.

VIDEO CLIP ENDS:

TUCKER CARLSON: It’s like an infomercial. It’s like a badly shot infomercial for like, prostate health cures or something super beats or something like stand there. Well, Dr. Zota, you know, it’s like, it’s unbelievable. He is doing PR for a foreign country. And even Netanyahu, that was a prime minister of another country, another country, another country, looks a little bit embarrassed. Like, who’s this weird kind of fawning guy? Is he going to touch my chest? I’m uncomfortable. You can feel that.

But the whole point of Lindsey Graham being there because he tells us is the point is to defend Israel from unfair criticism on the Internet. Hmm. Is that his job as a US Senator to be unpaid? And we’re guessing about the unpaid part, but I do sense he’d do it for free. To be a PR shill for a foreign prime minister, not even really the nation, another politician who’s not an American. What the hell is going on?

And then he just admits out loud, “This is my fifth trip to Israel since October 7th.” Fifth trip, huh? So this was in March. So that’s five months after October 7th. This is in March of 2024. October 7th was 2023. So five months, five trips to Israel. That’s one trip to Israel a month. Huh.

Is there any chance that Lindsey Graham has been in the, I don’t know, state capital of South Carolina, Columbia, once a month during that time? No, there’s no chance. In fact, he hasn’t. By the way, Lindsey Graham was that same year in Ukraine more often than he was in Columbia, South Carolina.

The Blood Libel Defense

And what’s he doing there this time? Well, he tells us he is there to refute the blood libel. It’s exactly, not exactly totally what that is, but something to do with like, anti-Semitism or it means you hate the Jews or you’re defending the Holocaust or something horrible. You’re a Nazi. Something like totally beyond the pale. And the blood libel is that Israel is using starvation as a weapon of war.

Now, who would say that does seem like a kind of a tough criticism. Well, let’s see. Well, Israeli cabinet ministers, and Smotrich and Ben Gvir have both said that out loud. And they’re cabinet members in the current government, and they have said, yes, starve them out. Starve them out. Kill them. I mean, they’re all the same. They’re Palestinians. Their crime is their genetics. Their blood is tainted. We have magic blood. They have tainted blood. God loves us, hates them. And when they die, it’s just a virtuous thing because they’re not human.

There’s no doubt, always and everywhere, that that kind of thinking, thinking about other people in terms of the group into which they were born, rather than in terms of what they do, what they’re like as individuals, that that kind of thinking leads to mass killing, genocide every single time. And not just in Germany in the 40s, though it did lead to genocide there, but also in the Ottoman Empire in 1918, and also in Rwanda in 1994. And actually, throughout history, when people start thinking of other people, not as people, but as components of some larger whole whose value is determined by their blood, you will inevitably wind up killing all of them, if you can, because they’re not really people.

And you will also wind up saying out loud that it’s okay to starve their children to death, as they have said repeatedly. And not just some random guy in the comments section on the Jerusalem Post, but at least two current cabinet members of the current government. But Lindsey Graham is telling us that’s a blood libel. Why are you telling me that? I have Internet access. Why are you saying that? Because you’re a liar. And nothing you say is true except what you say about yourself, and that’s that you love another country more than you love your own, and you love killing more than you love living.

And that’s enough to know you can’t be a leader in the party I vote for. I’m sorry. And so, with that in mind, we hope you agree with that. We’re sorry to say it, but this is not a very safe country. Walk through Oakland or Philadelphia. Yeah, Good luck.

With that in mind, Paul Dans is running against Lindsey Graham in the Republican primary, which is in June of next year. We don’t know a ton about him. We’re about to find out, but that’s all we need to know. This is unacceptable. Ladies and gentlemen, Paul Dans. I’m grateful you’re here.

PAUL DANS: My pleasure.

TUCKER CARLSON: Thank you. And I’m grateful that you’re running against Lindsey Graham. Not just as a protest candidate or some 80-year-old, I’m fed up guy, but as someone who understands the policies, who’s been involved in making policy and who has a realistic chance of beating Lindsey Graham.

And I just want to say out loud yet again, my motives are not personal. I’ve always liked Lindsey Graham, but I think he’s very obviously evil. And if he is the face of the Republican party, normal people can’t support it, including me. So it’s so important to send a statement that we are not for killing of innocents or bloodlust or whatever weird demonic trip Lindsey is on.

And so I’m really praying for your victory. So how did you decide? Let’s just start at the end. How did you decide to run against Lindsey Graham?

Running for God, Family, and Country

PAUL DANS: Well, I’m original MAGA. You know, I kind of go back to even H. Ross Perot days and we’ll get in a little bit about—

TUCKER CARLSON: How so? You supported Perot?

PAUL DANS: Oh, I was a Perot. Perot is my first vote for president. I came from a kind of a traditional ethnic Catholic family, working class. My parents were the first to go to college to actually speak English. My siblings were the first. My parents spoke Spanish and French at their households.

But, you know, why am I running ultimately against Lindsey? It’s for God, family, country. I don’t think we have a choice at this stage. This is about the future of the movement. Whether MAGA, America First lives or dies. We have to start thinking post-Trump, and this is going to be the fight for the future of this country.

I stand on the shoulder of giants. My family’s tradition, coming here as immigrants, living the American dream, building, working for it, fighting for it, dying for it. And I can’t sit on the sidelines with all the gifts, you know, the Lord has given me at this point in time.

I’m a dad of four, now to be five. And it’s quite incredible. My wife is 22 weeks pregnant, and it’s a blessing from God. You know, this is—so what happens when two folks try to work from home?

TUCKER CARLSON: Is that what happens? I wish I had five. I met you.

PAUL DANS: My wife’s a famous ballerina, and so she does her workouts at home and everything like that. But I’ve been very supportive of her business. And I was working in the trenches, if you will, for the last five, seven years, really, with the Trump administration. I was the architect of Project 2025.

And right now, I believe God has a plan for us all. And this is a calling, but it’s also that I have the life experience. I cannot sit back and watch somebody like Lindsey Graham represent our state. I live God, family, country. And when you live those values, that’s how you can actually make them happen in Washington.

TUCKER CARLSON: Well, that’s exactly right, because it’s sincere, because you’re defending your religious faith, your family and your nation. It’s not theoretical. It’s not an ideology. It’s not a personal fetish, which I think in his case it is.

If I see one more homoerotic picture of Lindsey with Ukrainian soldiers, I’m just—I don’t know what I’m going to do. I’m not attacking gays or anything like that. But like, this is just a one-man sick fetish being imposed on a nation of 350 million. And I’m just sick of it.

But it’s one thing to oppose that. I’m not running against Lindsey Graham. Like, how did you actually decide to put it on the line and start a Senate campaign?

A Trump Guy Before Trump

PAUL DANS: Well, like I say, I was a Trump guy before Trump knew he was running. And we can talk more about my family’s bio because I feel that that informs so much of who I am. But, you know, I was hoping Trump ran in 2012.

TUCKER CARLSON: Yeah.

PAUL DANS: And I’m one of these guys who is kind of curious about the birthplace of a former president, if you will, which Trump was asking all those questions. I remember him going up to Vermont, to New Hampshire here, and I thought he was going to announce. And famously he called for the birth certificate. But, you know, Trump was—

TUCKER CARLSON: You saw Trump even then in 2011, 2012, as a potential political leader?

PAUL DANS: Absolutely. You know, my dad’s family came up from a cold water flat in New York City. And you know, my grandparents built that city. They were emigres. They were born in the U.S. but their parents weren’t.

And to see that city grow, you know, my grandfather was at sea for 40 years as a Merchant Marine. And my grandmother was an interpreter. She spoke eight languages in the city. But the malaise that happened in the 1970s, you never thought would change. And then it did change with Rudy Giuliani and Trump and this belief that we could rebuild in America.

And so I knew of Trump long before that just from hearing the stories of my grandparents about facing being mugged on the subway and how the city had slid down. Finally, people were digging out New York, and he’s famous for the Wollman Rink there. But it’s emblematic of somebody who basically comes in and reorders the system and who kind of is a strong man in a way, as a mayor or somebody who can actually come in and get things done when bureaucrats are running around doing things.

TUCKER CARLSON: Exactly. It’s funny that you saw that so early. I didn’t at all. And when Trump called me in 2015 to say he was running, I knew him, of course, I always liked him. But I said, you know, that’s why I laughed at him because I didn’t get it at all. And I didn’t take it seriously at all. I’m asking, changed my views. But it’s interesting that you saw it so early.

A Working-Class Immigrant Family

PAUL DANS: Well, like I say, we graduated—if we can go back to kind of how I evolved to be like a Republican. My family, Dans, Spanish is Gallego. And my grandparents were living down in a cold water flat. That means there’s no hot water. This is a tenement that they tore down. They moved my family into housing projects.

And ultimately my dad was an only child, but he was—you can think of it almost as a Doogie Howser, a guy who was raised by his maternal grandmother, because everyone was working. She was a cleaning lady. And he made it to military school, graduated college at 19, and then Columbia Medical School at 23. So he became like a leading man in medicine.

He was in the Berry Plan, which is the doctor’s draft. Back in the 60s, they needed doctors for the military. So my dad was drafted into that and did his Vietnam service in the NIH. But this was, you know, at the time my grandfather was at sea. And this is when New York was really its top mercantile existence, where there were actually factories in New York City.

He was later on the Murmansk run, which is the famous convoys in the North Atlantic. And grandpa was in the engine room, which, you know, this is if you want a definition of what a man is, because I know our culture struggles to define a woman, but you can imagine somebody like Popeye. I think my grandparents literally looked like Popeye and Olive Oyl, but he literally had a tattoo on his forearm.

But these were the people who were just brave and did it, you know, and he went to sea in World War II. You know, Nazi torpedoes sunk his boat. These guys, when they came home, the Merchant Marines, these were hardscrabble people. They didn’t even get veterans benefits.

So my family tradition is kind of like giving everything for this country and getting kicked in the teeth for it and then coming and loving it. So ultimately they did give veterans benefits in 1989. And I believe that Goldwater, Barry Goldwater, was one of the chief champions of this. So my grandparents became Goldwater conservatives, really. That’s how they evolved to be Reaganites.

So they were kind of these hard hat, outer borough New Yorkers who moved from, you know, slum tenements to public housing and then ultimately to a little piece of the rock up in the Bronx. So that’s my dad’s side of the family.

And, you know, my mom’s side is even more, you know, maybe not more patriotic, but the same sort of crew that came from working class stock. They were French Canadian immigrants. My grandfather was one of 22. That’s kind of, I guess, runs in our blood. But my mom was the youngest of eight in a town called Woonsocket. They worked in the textile mill.

TUCKER CARLSON: Woonsocket, Rhode Island.

PAUL DANS: Woonsocket, Rhode Island. Textile mill workers, right? And these guys were the mechanical geniuses. Five of her brothers went off, fought World War II. Their first language was French. So they actually went behind enemy lines, they cut the supply lines, they landed on D-Day.

And these were the simple guys who kind of came back to the machine shops and stuff here to only see the factory town move abroad in the 1990s, the story of all New England.

TUCKER CARLSON: The French, you know, the Acadians coming down to staff the factories and then just getting marooned.

PAUL DANS: Yeah, it’s the story of all over this country, you know, and we had moved around. Like I say, my dad was in the military. I know Lindsey’s team likes to tag me as a New Englander, but I lived in Boston for all two months when I was a baby. But my dad was on orders from the military. So, you know, it’s kind of like he’s a Vietnam vet and we’re a military family moving around.

We moved to Colorado in the early 70s and this was post-hippie Colorado. And dad wasn’t quite a social justice warrior, but it was a little closer to kind of Archie Bunker dynamic, where they were, you know, kind of questioning the Vietnam War. Dad had done his service, but there wasn’t something sitting right about it.

And ultimately he stood up the first migrant health clinic and kind of, because his first language was Spanish, so as well as like VD walk-in clinics, these were—my dad revolutionized a lot of how medical care is given that we take for granted. In the old days, you only had a primary care physician.

TUCKER CARLSON: Yeah.

Growing Up in the Bicentennial

PAUL DANS: So we came east in the bicentennial year in 1976. And that was kind of my wonder years. And I think that’s what really built the whole patriotic feeling because, you know, these were—all I knew were these great quiet men and women who sacrificed for the country and, you know, living in the footsteps of Mount Vernon.

We came east. Dad was a health policy fellow on the Hill and got a taste of kind of public policy and we got to go around Washington in the bicentennial year. My parents were—my mom was a chemist. She and my father were introduced by the parish priest in 1966 in Washington. So they were Kennedy-esque. They were the people who came to Washington and were not asking what their country could do for them, but what they could do for their country.

So literally, I’m the spawn of two NIH scientists and very patriotic background. We, you know, learned back in those days. We used to sing songs, patriotic songs in second grade and third grade and kind of came up through that.

Dad ultimately got recruited to Johns Hopkins where he stood up the first ethics and medicine course. So dad and mom, we were very faithful Catholics and always going to church. I was an altar boy after all. But that’s how we kind of grew up. K through 12 public schools. My mom went and worked in the underprivileged schools in Baltimore and I went to MIT.

I was recruited to go to MIT and there I kind of encountered the first taste of globalism and what was happening and this kind of struggle to hold onto your working class valued roots and your family in the face of kind of what they’re telling you, a more global picture. And that rubbed me the wrong way. And that’s how I got to H. Ross Perot.

TUCKER CARLSON: You never fell for it at all.

PAUL DANS: No, I didn’t. You know, I think it was. I was blessed with great parents. You know, I really respected mom and dad. And ultimately I think when you look at a politician, you should have a right to value that person. Say that person could be a role model. I struggle in life, but I was blessed with the right direction early on. And I know a lot of people haven’t been in those situations, have to overcome things. I certainly overcame a lot in my childhood as well.

But you have the grounding that you get and those values carry you for the rest of your life. And I didn’t fall for it. And I saw my twin brother, identical twin Tom went to Brown, so he’s going to Brown. At the same time I’m going to MIT and I’m hearing about this kind of, this is where they incubated cultural Marxism. Okay. My two sisters both went to Princeton. So we were like this kind of family of nerds, right, that my dad was a professor, my mom was a public school teacher, and we were all about education, you know, gifted and talented, always, always striving.

But we began to get this dosage of cultural Marxism. What was interesting though is we came up at the end of kind of the Cold War period. So in public schools in Baltimore County, they actually were teaching Russian and my three siblings were Russian from probably a retired CIA agent.

TUCKER CARLSON: Oh, for sure.

PAUL DANS: But they were the last off the production line of kind of, you know, red blooded Americans who could speak Russian. And, you know, my parents had this just a great ability to inculcate us with values and arts. And my mom was a pianist. She turned down the scholarship to Eastman School of Music to go to college at Trinity in Washington. First on the full scholarship, but so that’s. I never fell for it.

And I felt quite the opposite. I pursued economics at MIT and then ultimately a master in urban planning. And that’s where I became, if you will, a community organizer. Later on knocked Obama was the community organizer in chief but that’s where they were training also starting a lot of this kind of indigenous people work and kind of questioning of American society from a social organizing sort of point of view.

But to backtrack to the economics, this is at MIT in the early 90s was when they were putting up the theoretical basis for globalism. And I remember MIT economics is probably the top in the world. That’s where all the Nobelists hang their hat. And my macro econ Professor Sola was literally receiving the award that year in 91, I believe it was, or 90. And he was beginning to put the theoretical underpinnings for if we moved production out of the United States, but as long as the return to capital came back to United States citizens, we would be offset.

And what they never factored in is what, what they called externalities, right? And the externalities are the mom and pops and all the families that have built their entire life around this factory town, that have all their equity in that house. They have their social.

TUCKER CARLSON: The idea was you could just move. And if you make it easy for capital to move, then human beings will move and you’ll have a much more efficient system and you’ll take out all the friction and everything will be great. Well, I’ll be richer and happier.

PAUL DANS: Yeah.

TUCKER CARLSON: But it was obvious, immediate, because Gary, Indiana had already happened. Detroit had already happened. So we. Baltimore had already happened. The steel mill closed in Baltimore. So it’s like you knew what would happen if you took the manufacturing out because it had happened. They didn’t care at all.

PAUL DANS: Well, I used to take the train up from Baltimore to MIT. And that’s how I talked about seeing the passing scenery of these derelict factories. And I’m the guy who’s staring out the window the whole time. Imagine going, what’s happening here? And I’m knowing about my own family. You know, my, my uncles, they, they fearlessly fought World War II. They came back and you know, the, the, the mill closed and the mill moved. And now he’s literally a Maytag repairman. And, you know, the kids are getting into alcohol and drugs and, and this, and you can kind of see it happening in real time.

The Failure of Globalism

TUCKER CARLSON: It’s just kind of weird for circa 1990 anyone to be trying to expand the disaster that led to the pro campaign ultimately led to two Trump presidencies. Like we knew. And I lived here. We’re the same age. I remember very well thinking, well, that doesn’t work. If it worked, then what is the explanation for Gary, Indiana?

PAUL DANS: Yeah, well, I mean, the giant sucking sound from the South. When he put that in place, H. Ross Perot did and basically talked about NAFTA and the effect of moving all these factories over the border. He was prescient about it. And to be sure, we were coming out of this peace dividend. Clinton had just come up to be president and we were talking about base closures and realignments.

And this is kind of like we had a great opportunity to make this the country of milk and honey. Like you have to back up and say, why are we not overflowing here? Why do we live in a society where people are literally knuckle dragging right now with fentanyl in Philadelphia and walking around like, how could this be after we fought those wars and invested all that blood and treasure?

TUCKER CARLSON: Yeah, I thought we won.

PAUL DANS: We did. You would have thought, right? But you know, the struggle, the fight never ends. And that’s the point of why I’m running, that we need to. There’s just so much shared sacrifice. Over 250 years from not only my ancestors, but pretty much everyone listening to this. They have a story, some root back longer. My wife’s family came 300 years ago and they were, you know, farmers in eastern North Carolina and kind of hardscrabble life.

You want to listen to the stories of my mother in law, talk about the Wall and like the deprivation after the Civil War even, but you know, it’s. To forget all that in a generation or two is absurd. And I have the ability now that I’ve worked on the front lines, I was a top attorney in Manhattan, I’ve facing off with the progressives, I understand how they think. And then I went into government and was able to reinvent it in a way that now has allowed President Trump to come out, you know, as gangbusters. That’s why I’m standing up.

TUCKER CARLSON: As important as it is, politics is not the answer to this country’s or man’s greatest problem. The only solution is Jesus. Sorry, that’s true. At its core, politics is a process of critiquing other people and getting them to change. Christianity is the opposite. Christianity begins with a call for you to change me to change. It’s called repentance. And it brings you back to God. When God is at the center, hearts change.

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Understanding the Republican Party

It’s interesting, though, because you, I’m, you know, you look back to what, not to dwell in the past, but to, say, 1990, 1992, Clinton’s election, 1998, I think, Lindsey Graham’s election. And it just seemed like it was liberals versus conservatives. It was like normal people versus Clinton or later, normal people versus Obama. You didn’t really understand, or I didn’t understand that there were different kinds of Republicans, and some of them were actually aligned with the Democrats secretly, Lindsey being the most obvious, and others were really for the country and for fixing the country. I didn’t get that. You clearly did. If you’re supporting. So tell me why you supported Perot, for example, in 92, his first run.

PAUL DANS: Well, you know, I think it was my parents were this kind of, you know, push and pull with Reagan. I mean, to your credit, you guys saw Reagan early on, and my grandparents saw Reagan early on. I was John Anderson, if you will. If you want to really go back in fourth grade, we had the, you know, we did our mock debates, and I was. There was Reagan and there was Carter, and I was John Anderson in that neighborhood. No kidding.

TUCKER CARLSON: Yeah.

PAUL DANS: So I guess it was. The independent streak was early on in me, and, you know, it was really searching for the values that I was never part of anyone’s club. Okay. So I, you know, we, we had. My dad was in academic medicine. We weren’t wealthy, but we did well enough. And, but we were public schools and, and I, you know, I was a nerd, basically. I had glasses, I had headgear, if anybody remembers that. I, I had a tough time. I had dyslexia and headgear and dyslexia. Oh, yeah. I had it all.

TUCKER CARLSON: Can you explain what, for those who are, you know, not 56, what headgear is.

PAUL DANS: Well, that was an orthodontic thing where.

TUCKER CARLSON: Yeah, sure was. It was aesthetic thing.

PAUL DANS: Yeah. I mean, you know, growing up in. In the 80s was a magical time, really. I wouldn’t trade it for the world. And I think there’s a lot, you know, I even talk about going back to the future now, but, you know, it’s a little difficult junior high. But I was, you know, nurtured by my parents.

TUCKER CARLSON: I was not to linger. But on headgear.

PAUL DANS: Yeah.

TUCKER CARLSON: For those who don’t know, there were like wires that went like around the back of your neck on your teeth, right?

PAUL DANS: Oh, yeah. No, this was a kind of a passage of, of adolescence, you know, and.

TUCKER CARLSON: But it’s pretty. It was extreme orthodontics. Like, it was the orthodontic equivalent of like the halo you get when you break your neck.

PAUL DANS: Yeah, I. It was not flattering, but makes a man, though.

TUCKER CARLSON: Over time.

PAUL DANS: Oh, sure, sure. You know, I ultimately became an all American lacrosse player. You know, this is like we, we had this nurturing. I mean, the, the guys who ran our school system were the Korean War vets. So I really credit them in this kind of cold war Baltimore upbringing where they were like, you know, weak American teenagers. I remember my gym coach there in junior high talking about, like, you know, we had to do push ups and we had, you know, you know, it was like the showering and going out there and playing football and just kind of like stuff nowadays, people would be like, no, that doesn’t work.

But they would take wrestling and they’d be like, you and you wrestle now in the center of the thing. And it was. That was kind of what we were growing up with. But the. My principal there in public school was this quiet man in terms of humble, a war hero. He literally didn’t have use of his arm, but he was. Dr. Cadle would say, you know, he saluted excellence. His entire thing was at Delaney, we do things just a little bit better. And he’d get on the Internet, on the intercom and basically salute every time a student really excelled.

So he. It was, it was merit based. It was all about excellence. It was always about pushing yourself just a little bit harder. And that’s what I came up with. And that’s the sort of values, I think, that built our country. And we need them back.

TUCKER CARLSON: Okay, so. But to be fair to Lindsey, if you were to ask Lindsay, what makes you qualified to be a senator, he would say, well, fundamentally, I’m patriotic. I love this country. I’m from a patriotic family. I believe in the same values that founded this country. Like, he would say the same. I think any politician would say the same on, certainly in the Republican Party. But what is it about Lindsey that gives you the impression he’s not telling the truth about that?

PAUL DANS: Well, look, he has a 32 year record. He’s actually elected in 1994. So he had.

TUCKER CARLSON: Oh, was he class 24?

Lindsey Graham’s Record in Washington

PAUL DANS: Yeah, he had four full terms in the house and now he’s done four full terms in the Senate. And so let’s break down his record here. When he came to Washington, it was $5 trillion. Now it’s $38 trillion. So his entire time has been deficit spending without any regard for this debt.

He also, you know, he is marked with these endless wars. Everything he supported from, you know, Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, Libya. You name it, he wants to invade it and bomb it. And then just this last couple of weeks, obviously Venezuela and Iran before that. So this notion of patriotism for him only runs towards kinetic fighting abroad.

And then we have to ask, what is the purpose of that? Because every time we extend ourselves abroad, you know, we are necessarily diminishing our ability to build this city on the hill back home. And he’s never, you know, championed any of these things.

Like here I have this life experience where my parents were NIH scientists. I was at my mother’s deathbed when she died of cancer, breast cancer at 65. You know, and I’ll never use the term death throes when you’ve actually seen your mom pass, but why do we still have breast cancer? Why do we sell $300 billion to Ukraine?

And likewise with my dad, like great man of modern medicine at Hopkins, I had to say goodbye to dad in the moon suit, you know, with COVID in February 2021. This is right after Trump left office. But, you know, they were, the whole COVID thing was just so ridiculously foisted on us and we need to get to the bottom of that.

But, you know, I walked in there on day three and they said you could say goodbye to your dad for 15 minutes. And then I go, well, he doesn’t really have COVID. Could you test him? And, you know, they refused to test him. They kept, you know, those tests didn’t really work in after fact. And they told us all this transmission lies. But, you know, that ultimately expired on day seven. And they’re like, well, you can use a laptop if you want to join him or whatever.

So it’s, you know, I’ve suffered a lot of this personally where I feel like we need that fire in the belly to get up there and use this perch in Congress, in the Senate, to really drill down on these people and get Americans answers.

TUCKER CARLSON: Do you see Lindsey as an effective voice in any of these issues, the ones that matter to Americans?

Deep State Lindsey

PAUL DANS: Not at all, no. I think he’s quite the opposite. He’s run interference for the deep state. I like to call him deep state Lindsey, because if you trace back, look, if Lindsey had his way, there never would have been a Trump. And we can’t be gaslit to forget all this.

He was one of the most vociferous attackers on Trump. Early on he said Trump would be the worst nominee in the history of the Republican Party. “If you want to make America great again, tell Donald Trump to go to hell.” And he voted for the CIA stooge, Evan McMullin. He didn’t even vote for Trump, guys.

TUCKER CARLSON: Did he admit that?

PAUL DANS: Yes, he probably admitted it. This is a guy who is—

TUCKER CARLSON: I think Evan McMullin was literally connected to the CIA and Mindy Finn or whoever that woman was.

PAUL DANS: We can’t forget history. I mean, we shouldn’t forget COVID, we can’t forget 9/11. But you can’t forget what Lindsey Graham’s been about. He did not change his stripes. This guy is a vehement, shape shifting, anti-Trumper.

In 2017, when we had both houses of Congress and the presidency and remember the seminal promise was to build the wall, what did this guy do? He went and reinforced that bogus narrative that the Russians had hacked the election. He literally had subcommittee hearings where he said, the purpose of this hearing is to reinforce that the Russians had interfered with the election and that had the point of carrying water for the Democrats to delegitimize Trump.

So instead of building a wall, which now fast forward 10 years later, there’s 20 million invaders in this country. This is how this guy used his seat in Congress to actually delegitimize it, to basically support Wray. He voted for Wray, he voted for Comey. When the president threatened to fire Mueller, he threatened the President and every option that he ever had to do any oversight on this kind of spying mechanism, kind of deep state, he always abstained.

So, you know, even you see a great thing where he was chairman of the Judiciary Committee in 2019 and 2020 and Maria Bartiromo was asking repeatedly when are you going to issue subpoenas? When are you going to get to the bottom of this? And he said, you know, I will send a strongly worded letter when they’re wrapped on their investigation. It never happened. And you know, this is a guy who’s basically running interference for the other side.

The Deep State Connection

TUCKER CARLSON: Well, he is. Pure Talk customers are proud of their wireless company. Think about that. You never hear anyone with Verizon or AT&T say, I’m really proud to use Verizon or AT&T. No, they’re a little embarrassed. They might be satisfied with the service, but feeling proud? No, probably not.

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I remember walking into the Monocle, which is a restaurant right off North Capitol Street on Capitol Hill in Washington. It was right across the street from Fox. You eat there, great restaurant, great owners, great people. But it’s basically the Senate dining room. You know, they’re there every day.

And I remember walking in for lunch one day and there was Lindsey sitting in a booth with James Murdoch, who is Rupert Murdoch’s son, very left wing son, vehemently anti-Trump. Spent a ton of millions of dollars against Trump, you know, huge donor to the ADL. Like really, really a dark figure.

And there was Lindsey, drunk by the way. I don’t think, you know, that uncommon for him yapping away, laughing with James Murdoch. And I was like, holy smokes. And I work for the Murdoch. So like I knew James Murdoch is, he hates me. And there’s Lindsey like clearly plotting with him.

And then Lindsey sees me and you know, he’s very friendly, I will say. And he comes up and he’s like drunkenly talking to me, but I was like, wow, you’re eating with James Murdoch. He is the deep stater, there’s no question.

PAUL DANS: Well, I mean, I think when he tried to stop Trump the first time, and then he was beholden to John McCain. When John McCain died, that’s when he flipped and he changed tactics, and it was like he was going to literally grab his golf bag and try to cozy up to the president.

And he saw 2020 coming. Look, the whole state hates Lindsey. I mean, he’s been booed in his own hometown for six minutes straight. He won’t get on the stage with President Trump because he knows he’ll face his booing. They literally turn their backs on him. But he knew that everyone in South Carolina was rabid Trump, and that was going to be the only way for him to reinvent himself.

How Does He Keep Getting Reelected?

TUCKER CARLSON: But so how does he keep getting reelected?

PAUL DANS: Well, you know, in 2020, I think it was a fluke. I think it was undercover of COVID. And, you know, the point was that we had, there was no viable challenger. There is a machine in South Carolina, you know, and I’m running against the machine. I’ve never been part of anyone’s club, and that probably goes back to the headgear and the glasses. But, you know, I’m an outsider and I attack. But, you know, there is serious money involved, and you have to be willing—

TUCKER CARLSON: Donors like Lindsey. Well, do they play a role in this?

PAUL DANS: Yes. I mean, it’s incredible that I’m here to wrestle this Senate seat back to the people of South Carolina.

TUCKER CARLSON: So the donor shouldn’t be totally in charge of the country, is that what you’re saying?

PAUL DANS: That’s my proposition. Look, it’s extraordinary that he got reelected in 2020 and, you know, in short order, he was turning his back right on Trump. He famously, you know, on January 6, he incredulously said to the Capitol Police, “We gave you guns. Why didn’t you shoot more of those people in the head?” This is a guy who, you know, notwithstanding—

TUCKER CARLSON: Why didn’t you shoot more? And I’m really trying not to be vicious or use slurs against him. He’s certainly used them against me. But I want to be, I want to be Christian. I don’t want to do that. But, boy, it’s tempting when you hear that, because that is so evil. Why didn’t you—these are Americans.

PAUL DANS: These are Americans. These are protesters. They’re exercising their First Amendment rights.

TUCKER CARLSON: They’re also the most decent people in the country. They’re toting their little pocket constitutions. They believe in our system. They believe in the order that our founders created. And Lindsey Graham doesn’t and doesn’t care. And he’s calling for their murder.

PAUL DANS: I mean, he—

TUCKER CARLSON: That’s unbelievable to me.

PAUL DANS: He’s always calling for violence. It’s almost a bizarre, you know, it’s killing at the top of his mind.

Calls for Violence

TUCKER CARLSON: He just did this, I think. I don’t know if it was violence against me. I know he was attacking me. That’s not why I’m doing this. I don’t care what he thinks of me. But I just, he was calling for violence. Wasn’t he calling for violence this past weekend?

PAUL DANS: Yeah, he was speaking. It’s actually a disqualifying speech if you look at it. It’s so unbecoming of the United States Senator. And I think it’s one for the books. But he got up there in Las Vegas, the Republican Jewish Coalition, and he definitely seemed to be under the influence of something, but he’s drunk all the—

TUCKER CARLSON: Time, it seems to me. I have noticed that. Look, I’m not calling him an alcoholic. I’m just saying, as an alcoholic myself who’s recovered, I would say every time I see him, he’s drunk. So there’s something.

PAUL DANS: Well, he was feeling his oats and he got up there and literally said to the audience, who are Jewish in the main, and I think that this is a great slander in terms of characterizing your audience. He said about the administration, “We are killing all the right people and we’re cutting your taxes.”

TUCKER CARLSON: Killing all the right people. When you find yourself, I mean, he’s 70 years old. He’s have to face the consequences of this at some point, the eternal consequences. If you’re bragging about killing people.

PAUL DANS: Well, I think there is a sixth commandment against such a thing, the instruction from a Lord many millennia ago. But, you know, let’s break that down to its constituent parts. As an attorney, you know, if I were taking a deposition of him under oath, I’d say, let’s break this sentence down.

Okay, “we are killing.” Who is the “we” in this? Okay, are we talking now about the United States government? Are we talking about the Ukrainians? Are we talking about the government of Israel?

TUCKER CARLSON: Who?

PAUL DANS: Who is “we”? And then “killing,” you know, it’s like, okay, well, are we talking about bombing people? Or how exactly are we killing them? It doesn’t matter, you know, and then “all the right people.” And then you say to yourself, well, all the right people or you mean people on the right?

Well, Charlie Kirk was just killed. You know, can you have a little bit of space from the man’s actual wake before you’re intoning violence? And then he turns in the next sentences to actually threaten violence against the right. Now this is a guy who just said shoot people in the head on January 6 is now saying, if someone stands for office and critiques Israel, we’re going to beat their brains in.

TUCKER CARLSON: He said that?

PAUL DANS: Yes, he said “beat their brains in.” And then he later on used—

TUCKER CARLSON: We’re going to Gaza them.

PAUL DANS: Well, he said “cream them” as well, which is, you know, kind of an unfortunate turn of phrase for him. But, you know, “beat their brains in.” And it’s just like, who are you talking about? Why—

TUCKER CARLSON: Talking about America. He’s talking about hurting Americans, killing Americans on behalf of another country, a foreign power. Okay, so I don’t even know what to say to that. If you’re not appalled by that, go ahead and vote for him.

PAUL DANS: But where’s your celebrating this whole rant? It’s extraordinary thinking that, because you haven’t seen it. But then he goes on to—

TUCKER CARLSON: I have not seen it.

PAUL DANS: Both President Trump, we’re all out of bombs. You know, we didn’t even run out of bombs in World War II. It’s like China, if you’re listening, you sitting United States senator just told you that we were all out of bombs. And we know that we can’t restock all those shoulder fire missiles that take seven to 10 years to build, that we have no industrial base. But he’s literally bragging about the fact that all of our munitions have been passed to defend this eastern border of Ukraine. For what?

TUCKER CARLSON: Yet none of this benefited America. None of us had anything to do with America.

PAUL DANS: It’s absurd.

TUCKER CARLSON: We were invaded while he was in the Senate.

PAUL DANS: He said nothing benefited some people in America if you happen to own defense industrial stocks. And, you know, has he gotten—

TUCKER CARLSON: Rich in the Senate? I haven’t even checked.

PAUL DANS: Well, who knows that? It’s a good question to ask, though.

TUCKER CARLSON: It doesn’t matter. He’s 70 with no kids, so why does he care?

The Foreign Interest Problem

PAUL DANS: Well, you know, I think that the point is that he has been supported. This Senate seat is kind of wholly owned by a foreign interest or kind of defense industrial components, and it’s so far removed. The people of South Carolina are a mere kind of imposition really. The voters. And it’s like, we will deal with you once every six years. We will gaslight you. I’ll get a couple photos of me behind President Trump and just kind of move along.

But meanwhile, South Carolina’s 50 out of 50 in roads, okay? People die on our secondary roads. The actual infrastructure is 30 years behind, which roughly maps the time this guy’s been in Washington. He’s never brought the bacon home, unless you think of home as Ukraine or some foreign interest.

But certainly South Carolina, you go off the main highways, which by the way, if anyone’s driven through on the 95 or on the 20 or the 26, they’re two lane death traps. They’ve never been expanded. Now they’re being beginning to be expanded. But you know, people’s roofs are falling in, rural America’s decaying, the industry moved out. And this is what we get. We get a senator who’s obsessed with foreign war.

You know, I think it’s half of 1% of the South Carolina population is Jewish. So yes, I mean, look, I reaffirmed the right for Israel to exist and certainly always defending the Jewish people in the wake of the Holocaust, particularly. But I don’t derive my foreign policy views based on my theological understanding of the Bible. I’m America first guy. This is the country my family fought for, worked for, died for, and everyone else did.

So this frame that a US Senator would spend three days in Washington and then run off to Kiev, or Kiev as we used to call it, and hold hands with a foreign dictator who suspended elections, who’s imprisoned the opposition, who shut down the—

TUCKER CARLSON: What about a weirdly hot foreign dictator in a tight fitting military uniform or a tracksuit? I mean that. I’m just saying they’re mitigating circumstances here. Kind of a young Fidel or Che in The Sierra Madre, 1958, you know, cigar clenched resolutely in his teeth. There is a kind of appeal there.

PAUL DANS: Well, maybe that’s what the Venezuela thing can be explained that way.

TUCKER CARLSON: There’s a Latin ruby red. I actually said to myself, don’t be a jerk during this interview. But of course I can’t. I have no self control.

The Psychosexual Violence Problem

PAUL DANS: Well, look, I mean his sexuality is his own thing. But if it’s based on kind of his psychosexual urge for violence, that’s a problem.

TUCKER CARLSON: Let’s just be, let’s stop lying, okay? I’m not being mean. This is a very recognizable phenomenon that has reoccurred throughout history, and it is tied up in your personal life. And I’m not talking about his sexuality. I mean, the way that you live reflects your values, and it affects your opinions on everything.

And so if you have children and grandchildren, you have, by definition, a vested interest, instability, and peace. You’re instinctively opposed to violence. You lie awake as the head of household thinking, if there’s a home invasion, what do I do? That’s how your brain works.

PAUL DANS: Absolutely.

TUCKER CARLSON: If you don’t have that, and if you’re about Grindr or whatever the f* was going on here, then you’ve got a completely different set of values. It’s just a fact. I’m sorry. That’s true.

PAUL DANS: Well, look, I mean, Steve Witkoff, who has helped make the peace there, that this unstable peace, but made a peace of, he tells in his 60 Minutes piece how he first found common ground with his adversary on their side with saying, we belong to an unfortunate club where both of our sons have predeceased us. And so it’s like he found common ground as a dad. But look, I just say of Steve—

TUCKER CARLSON: Witkoff, who I know well, Steve. If you watch Steve Witkoff’s relationship with his two surviving sons, you see where Steve Witkoff’s instincts come from. He’s very close to his boys, and one of whom I knew well is a genuinely great guy. He reveres his dad. The dad loves the son. That’s the goal.

And Witkoff looks at the world that way. It’s like, I have grandchildren. I want to continue the good things in this world. I don’t want to blow it up tomorrow. Right. It matters.

The Importance of Family Values

PAUL DANS: What we need in the statesman, we need somebody. Look, I live these values. I have a family. I have a stake in the future. I’ve lived the life. I’ve lived with a woman. You know, we’ve suffered, we’ve survived, we’ve thrived. And that life experience, you know, watching my mom die in front of me, going in with the moon suit with my dad, you know, seeing kind of the setbacks my grandparents felt only to see them ultimately succeed.

These are things every day I walk in office on the shoulders of them, but I carry that weight, the shared sacrifice. And when you go abroad and you’re with a culture that has maybe nothing to do with us, I’m not looking to convert them. I’m looking to find a little bit of humanity. Common ground.

TUCKER CARLSON: Yes.

PAUL DANS: And that’s where you say, look, parents love their children in all cultures and that’s an immediate thing where you can have some respect for life. Look, he is the worst, Lindsey Graham is the worst emissary of or real avatar for any of these values, whether it be kind of peace and the United States values or what he’s doing now with engendering, I think anti-Semitism, he’s actually making—

TUCKER CARLSON: Well, that’s for sure. All these advocates for Israel, I mean from Bibi to Ted Cruz to Lindsey, they’re all making people hate Israel. I mean that is a fact. As someone who’s never hated, speaking for myself, I’ve never hated Israel, I vacationed there. But these people are changing in their advocacy. Rabbi butt plug, all of them, they’re all making people dislike Israel big time.

PAUL DANS: Well, I mean his speech, how is this helping? His speech was shameful and it should be repudiated to call for violence the way he did against the right. A sitting United States Senator in the wake of Charlie Kirk. The president should distance himself from those remarks.

But here again he intrudes into women’s health. If there was ever one cohort in the United States who should sit this one out, it’s a 70 year old warmonger who’s never shared a life, as we can tell, with a woman. It’s like he does more damage than good. And with respect to those issues for life, it’s like being pro life means also not killing people. I mean to borrow a little bit from the Pope, but having a sensitivity towards that as well. And you know, well, why—

TUCKER CARLSON: Because we think human beings are the most valuable thing God created. That’s what we believe. And if you don’t believe that, you shouldn’t be in charge of human beings. Right.

Created in God’s Image

PAUL DANS: Well, we’re committed. We are created in God’s image. So every time I look, one of the great things my parents did was name me after St. Paul. I’m always trying to walk in his way. The instructions. But what a man, you know, that we learned to have a mutual respect for our common man, to look at the beauty.

If you look at a person, you say, look, you’re creating. There’s something amazing about you. It may not be evident on the surface, but I know that there’s something. And you may have had a troubled life, but you can always improve. And to be able to have that kind of fundamental respect.

You know, I come from a long line of janitors and chambermaids and people did the dirty jobs and I never felt, I never feel like I’m superior to them. I think that that’s really the mark of liberalism, progressive government, is that there’s a small group of us who know better than the rest of the world.

TUCKER CARLSON: How can they get some dumb credential from a credential factory? No, I couldn’t agree more. There’s a real lack of nobility among people like that with Lindsey Graham, a true lack of nobility. And that’s fine. And he’s going to have to answer for that. But to have him in a position of leadership, particularly in a party that, you know, I voted for, don’t have much option, actually.

PAUL DANS: This allows—

TUCKER CARLSON: Not acceptable.

The Post-Trump Future

PAUL DANS: Look, we, look, this is a post Trump election. This Senate term is six years. President Trump, you know, the 2028 trolling stuff is funny, but he’s out of office in two years after this election. He’ll be a lame duck president the day after the election, kind of cementing his legacy.

And this is, where does this movement go? All of us who fought in the early trenches. Look, that this whole thing could just be sucked right back into the swamp with the shape shifting establishment, really neocon deep state guy who’s managed to somehow pull in Trump a little bit, or at least the inner circle around Trump.

TUCKER CARLSON: Do you think it’s weird? I’m sorry to jump around, but I’m just thinking about you reminded us all that Lindsey said after January 6th, “We gave you guns. Shoot them all.” Of course none of the protesters had guns. Not a single gun. No guns except for the 200 and something undercover FBI agents, all of whom aren’t. But no actual protester had a gun.

Lindsey Graham only speaks in martial language. Kill them, crush them, bomb them. You know, he’s tough guy, right? He’s some reservist or some fake rank in the military and whatever, but he’s terrified. Terrified on January 6, he’s afraid of unarmed protesters, half of whom are over 60 and have diabetes and bad knees and he’s terrified. He coward. I mean, I talk to people, his fellow senators who were there. He was scared shitless. What is that?

PAUL DANS: Well, you know the guy who’s always—

TUCKER CARLSON: Calling for violence against other people is a physical coward.

The 2020 Election and Georgia

PAUL DANS: I think he knows that 2020 was infirm. It was a rigged and stolen election and he did nothing really for it. He did a lot of pretense. You know, the famous call. Look, I was there, okay? What Paul Dans has is battle scars from every major MAGA battle.

I was there in ’16 in Pennsylvania in Moon Township, when everyone had walked away from the president. They thought he was going to lose. And we pulled out the win there. We brought Pennsylvania over the win column, doubled the vote there and the good people in Allegheny County.

And, you know, I was there in ’20. I went down to Georgia. At the time I was chief of staff at Office of Personnel Management. We should talk a little bit about how Project 2025 came to be and how I got to serve in the Trump admin. But I had been there again in Allegheny County for the day on Election Day. And, you know, we had been saying, those of us in the admin, I think we got this, as long as they don’t steal it from us. And thinking that the RNC and the Trump campaign would have taken corrective protective measures.

Well, I was in the White House that evening. And PPO, it’s a Presidential Office of Personnel. And we were getting excited for a period of time there. It seemed like we were going to pull this out. They actually turned the volume off of the TV and put on some music. And then ultimately everything slowed down. It was clear that something was totally awry.

And ultimately two days later, I would go on paid leave, leave my group. I basically ran this agency called Office of Personal Management and go down and use my work as an attorney to help out. But I got down to Georgia on the Friday morning. Thursday night was where they famously started counting ballots in Fulton County in the middle of the night. I decided to take my car from D.C. and just start driving, and I’d see my wife in South Carolina and the kids and pick up some clothes and just get there.

So I got there by nine in the morning. I kind of kicked myself for not flying because who would have known that they were counting ballots? But the bottom line is we were overrun, okay? They had nothing in place. They knew this was coming. And if you dug in a little bit, you could tell that it was almost an inside job.

You know, Raffensperger, the Secretary of State, there was something odd with that dude. And the guy, Gabe Sterling, there’s something really off. But they had to be sure. Said this was the cleanest election they had fought before they had finished counting the ballot. So the Secretary of State of Georgia was adverse to the president.

Nonetheless, we got down there. There was no infrastructure in place. The president didn’t even have a law firm retained. There was no national law firm. And this was the whole thing. That was a debacle. But I seen it with my own eyes. I stood up there. People knew what happened in that Buckhead, it’s called. That’s where the GOP headquarters were. All eyes in the whole world had turned to Buckhead. This one office building where I was, and we didn’t even have a desk. There wasn’t even a law firm.

I went out and bought myself a computer, sat down there, and it’s Saturday of the election. Both Senate seats are now underwater. So the U.S. Senate’s in the balance as well. And finally we’re beginning to get some sort of ground control where people are now. Reinforcements are coming up from Florida, the lawyers. We can kind of get some command and control.

And I have to go out and get lunch with a guy at pizza. I come back and the office is dark. It’s just like everyone left. It’s like, wait a second, we’re in the middle of a presidential election. The thing’s obviously kind of rigged and stolen. You think people are working 24 hours. Like I worked in these big law firms in New York. You know, I worked 18 hour days. Like we were just humming the whole time.

TUCKER CARLSON: Where was everybody?

PAUL DANS: The office lights are off. They were at the Georgia football game. Go Dogs. Yeah.

TUCKER CARLSON: So there was like a gut level commitment to the cause.

The Abandonment

PAUL DANS: It sounds like no people had left. And it was like, what is going on here? So I reached out to Johnny Mac at the White House. I said, we need a field general down here. Get me Doug Collins, get him on, you know, and ask the President to put Doug in.

And sure enough, they, you know, the next day, people had snapped too. They had gotten the word at the White House and everyone had walked out. You know, the idea was, we’re going to take a breather. I think the word had come down from RNC headquarters to cut bait on the President in sometime mid Saturday morning. They had famously Trump victory had shifted into Senate victory, and they cut Trump off. And so he thinks people are fighting all around the country while people are walking out on him in real time. And I’m…

TUCKER CARLSON: There’s a reason he hired Rudy Giuliani, because there was no one else left.

PAUL DANS: Yeah, I mean, Paul Dans is standing in the balance. And that’s where, you know, I’m like, what is going on here? That Sunday morning, finally people kind of began to come in. And I kind of liken it to almost like when Christ was crucified. And who were the people who came first without fear were the women.

And that’s where I met MTG for the first time. Marjorie Taylor Greene on a Sunday morning in Buckhead, and she could have been up in Washington. She had just won. She could be measuring her drapes and everything. That woman wanted to get to the bottom of what happened on Tuesday.

TUCKER CARLSON: That’s what she’s like.

PAUL DANS: So it was her, it was Cleta, it was Jenny Beth Martin. These were the people standing up and we had no infrastructure in place. It was basically they had cut bait on the President. So I’ve been there when everybody gave up.

Lindsey Graham’s Role

TUCKER CARLSON: What was Lindsey doing at this point?

PAUL DANS: You know, he was making feckless phone calls or something, and he ultimately had this famous phone call with Raffensperger, which, if you had actually been a lawyer, you’d be like, that’s the last person you should be getting on the phone call telling the President to get on the phone with, because that guy’s adverse to us. Yes, they’re going to tape you. They’re going to try to set you up. Don’t you understand what went down here? So it was almost extraordinary that he could kind of pantomime that he was doing something on election integrity.

TUCKER CARLSON: But he was undermining Trump.

PAUL DANS: Yes. Ultimately, he was leading. I think that this man’s M.O. is when he couldn’t frontally attack Trump. He said, I’m going to infiltrate Trump and then I’m going to walk him in down the path of danger. And like, hey, Mr. President, why don’t you call up the Secretary of State and see if he can find some votes? That’s a great idea, sir. Why don’t you do that? And it’s like, it’s like a setup artist almost.

But, you know, for anybody with their head screwed on, it was asking for trouble. And of course, you know, then J6 precipitated after that. And so by the end of the term there, everybody had walked away from the man. And, you know, I was there January 20th at Joint Base Andrews to see President Trump off.

TUCKER CARLSON: So I have, I’ve got, I just want to replay what he said or just say it out loud after January 6th, like, Lindsey just absolutely abandoned Trump, like, immediately. Yeah, he blamed it. He said it’ll be a major part of the presidency was Trump’s fault, what happened on January 6th.

Of course, now we know with 230 FBI agents in the crowd, maybe it’s not that simple. But we don’t know that because Lindsey pointed that out. I mean, Lindsey could have at any point tried to get to the bottom of how many federal agents were in the crowd on January 6th. Everyone knew that was happening. I said it probably got fired for it, among other things. But it was just obvious from the very beginning that this was a setup.

PAUL DANS: No, he gave his famous “I’m done” speech. And, you know, the first part of that speech is interesting because he knocks South Carolina. He likes to first start out by saying, my state’s often the cause of the problem. So first he throws South Carolina under the bus, and then he basically says he’s done with Trump.

And the meanwhile, those of us are, like, in the engine room, like my grandfather, trying to keep this ship going MAGA, keep the U.S. Government running. We’re in full peak COVID. And like I say, to have this guy now got full six years in the Senate, got everyone to say, vote for him. I mean, I had my neighbors coming up to me and saying, Paul, should we vote for Lindsey Graham? Can you really do that? I mean, that’s a heinous decision. When you go into the ballot box in 2020 and you look at the Republican line and it’s Lindsey Graham and you’re a Republican. And that’s why I’m never going to let that happen to me again.

TUCKER CARLSON: No, no, please.

PAUL DANS: That’s why I’m standing up.

The 2026 Primary Challenge

TUCKER CARLSON: But, like, because it’s just all fake. Okay, so this is my last series of questions, which is, like, I asked around before this interview because I’m not a political expert. Despite being around it my whole life, I don’t really understand it that well. I don’t understand how Lindsey Graham could have a shot at reelection. I called around. Oh, no, Lindsey’s in good shape. I think it’s a measure of how much money he has. People assume the more money you have, the more likely you are to win. That’s not true. Ask Jeb Bush. But he does have institutional support. Like, there are office holders in South Carolina who are endorsing him, right?

PAUL DANS: Well, not that many. Look, we are going to do this. I want to make clear to people. We announced in August 1st or July 30th, and our numbers have already doubled. Ultimately, yes, we need to get the financial backing to get people, your listeners, to get behind this.

TUCKER CARLSON: Like, if you have a year. So we’re taping this the first Tuesday in November.

PAUL DANS: So you’ve got June 9th, 2026 is liberation day for South Carolina.

TUCKER CARLSON: June 9th is the primary.

PAUL DANS: Primary, and we are moving up on this guy. If the election were held tomorrow, we’d be in a runoff. Like South Carolina, if you get less than 50%, it’s an automatic runoff state. There’s a reason why President Trump is doing his first fundraiser for Lindsey Graham, notwithstanding the fact that this man has 15 million in the bank.

TUCKER CARLSON: Where in South Carolina is that fundraiser?

PAUL DANS: Correct? It’s in Florida, interestingly, yes. They’re going to do it on a golf course in Florida, away from the actual South Carolinians. Look, we need support, I’ll be frank, but I think people bemoan the money that Lindsey has. And I know that I’ve had confidential discussions with people saying that various, you know, interest groups are ready to come in for this guy to the tune of tens of millions.

TUCKER CARLSON: Whatever it takes.

PAUL DANS: Whatever it takes. But, you know, I think I was thinking about the parable of the three servants, really. And that you need, as Christians, we need to invest our money, you know, in people who are going to fight for our values. And that’s where I’d ask folks out here listening, invest in our campaign. Get behind us.

Our message is really clicking with both the youth, the under 30 people who, they need to own a part of America. Not only do we need to end these endless wars, which I’ll do right away, but make this life, this American dream, affordable again for this generation to come. Let them dream of having a family and actually be able to do it.

And then, like I say, get to the bottom of J6. Get to the bottom. Get to the bottom of the Russia hoax. Get to the bottom of 2020. Let’s actually get accountability in government from a guy who stood up Project 2025. And I’ve changed the world through that. You know that. That as the architect of Project 2025.

TUCKER CARLSON: Yes, and just stop the humiliation. You know, South Carolina is one of the best states that we have. People move there. I have family who move there. People just like South Carolina. It’s great. Pretty well run, pretty reasonable, beautiful. Of course, the Republican primary is the election. Republicans going to have that Senate seat. We know that.

So it should be a great Republican. It shouldn’t be the worst Republican, probably second worst after Ted Cruz, because at least Lindsey is charming. But it shouldn’t have the best state, shouldn’t have the worst senator. Like, this is a humiliation exercise meant to demoralize the rest of us. I really think that.

PAUL DANS: Well, if you want to honor Charlie Kirk’s memory, this is the best way to do it. Charlie was in South Carolina three weeks before he was killed saying exactly that. He said, South Carolina, you need a new senator. And he’d said that, you know, Turning Point Action was going to be on the tip of the spear of turning out RINO senators and Lindsey Graham.

The Fight for America’s Future

TUCKER CARLSON: Well, Troy and I talked about this topic quite a bit, quite a bit, until right before he died. Yes. And so I hope that people will get behind your campaign, you know, because I think it’s important that you’re obviously much more qualified and much closer to the spirit of most Americans.

But it’s also just so important to stop this, just to say no. Like, this is if you don’t stop people like Lindsey Graham and he can go be on the board of Raytheon and go to bathhouses across Eastern Europe, whatever his future might hold, probably a lot more fun than serving in the Senate and get sober.

PAUL DANS: Oh, my gosh.

TUCKER CARLSON: But if you don’t stop this, if you just like allow the guy to get reelected to the Senate at 71 years old with an anti-American platform, that’s like a sign to everybody else that like, oh, yeah, you can just piss on America, like there’s nothing that people can do about it. Yeah. There’s no changes possible.

PAUL DANS: This is the barometer for whether MAGA lives or dies.

TUCKER CARLSON: I totally agree with that.

Project 2025 and Trump’s Success

PAUL DANS: This is really. Look, I built Project 2025. If you like what President Trump’s done in these first nine months, it’s because I organized a couple thousand volunteers under the auspices of the Heritage Foundation, brought together 110 member coalition of the right and basically made these building blocks, these prefabricated policy and personnel to go in and hit the ground running.

And that’s why he came out gangbusters. And it allowed him to get this head of steam going and get world peace. Like, this is why he’s a world beater. Because we actually prepared. I was, I’m the one who was able to use this platform and take my MIT training. This, you know, I was trained as a city planner and then in the vision of Daniel Burnham, who’s the famous architect who did Union Station.

It was this notion of we need to make no little plans. We are saving this republic. They lack the magic to stir men’s hearts. We have to give them a bold vision. And that’s what Project 2025 was. It allowed the president. And now we know so much of what he’s doing is coming right out of that book.

TUCKER CARLSON: For sure, though no one wants to admit it. Yeah. So how can, final question, how can people who support the program you just described and think that it’s so essential to stop this insanity before we have World War Six? How can they support your campaign?

How to Support the Campaign

PAUL DANS: Look, get to pauldans.com. We obviously love you to invest in the campaign. Support us if it’s $20 a month. If it’s $100 or everyone get behind this, this is the time you need to invest in your country. Lindsey is not a South Carolina problem. He’s an American problem, definitely.

And all of us have to drive America. There’s good patriots all over the country. They know what Paul Dans did to build Project 2025, and they know that that is why so much of what Trump’s doing right now is coming directly from our work to, you know, get behind us on the media. If you can’t afford it, like, push out our message, you know, share it on Facebook, share it on X and prayers. Finally, three prayers. We’ll take prayers.

But this is, this is all within our reach. This is going to happen, I believe. And we have a welling up of support, particularly the youth. They really need a future. So many people can’t even envision getting out of their garden or apartment or being able to own anything, let alone get married and have a family. That’s elemental American dream.

And that we are sending our kids forward into this is outrageous. I have to stand up in this moment in time. Look, I’m leaving five kids on this earth one day. And they need the future that was their birthright. And that everyone who laid down and gave that ultimate sacrifice, whether they died on the battlefield or they died building something, or they just labored as anonymous woman, they deserve a future in this country. And that’s what we have to pass on to the kids.

TUCKER CARLSON: Do you have any billionaire oligarchs backing you?

PAUL DANS: Well, hopefully a few of them are listening to this show. But look, you know, I would say Lindsey has that.

TUCKER CARLSON: That’s one thing he’s got.

PAUL DANS: Look what Lindsay did.

TUCKER CARLSON: You made a fortune, I don’t know, on debt, you know, putting people into slavery or, like, hooking them on gambling or something. You’re definitely using your billions to support Lindsey Graham.

America’s Fiscal Crisis

PAUL DANS: Well, look, this man got us a $38 trillion breaking point. This country is in fiscal dire straits. If we collapse, the whole world goes down with us. This is all these foreign adventures that this man has led us on in the 32 years of his endless war cheerleading and the deficit spending, those are coming home to roost.

And it’s, you know, life is tough out there. Notwithstanding what some people in the White House are saying, it’s expensive. Things have not, like, I go to the grocery store every day, you know, I fill up. And if it’s shocking me, what’s it doing to the people? Paycheck to paycheck and we have to get real.

Like today’s election, election day. Let’s see what happens tonight. Because the kids and the generation, they’re moving left because the left is actually talking about real pocketbook issues. You know, the promise here with Trump was to return the government to the people and its time is burning.

Like we need not only action at the Justice Department and getting answers and actually doing things, but we need to like actually stop spending money on these follies abroad and start building America. Let’s, let’s get the country of milk and honey flowing here.

TUCKER CARLSON: You got my vote.

PAUL DANS: Thank you.

TUCKER CARLSON: But Paul Dans, thank you very much.

PAUL DANS: My pleasure.

TUCKER CARLSON: Thank you.

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