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Home » Transcript: The 100 Year History Of ‘Woke’ (In 15 Minutes) – Paul Marshall

Transcript: The 100 Year History Of ‘Woke’ (In 15 Minutes) – Paul Marshall

Editor’s Note: In this compelling address at ARC 2026, Paul Marshall explores how modern Western society has become adrift, shifting away from common sense and the foundational values that once anchored it. Drawing on his perspective as a classical liberal, he examines how “deconstructionist” ideologies have eroded cultural and moral order, leaving many feeling alienated from the current political landscape. Marshall argues that we are now at a critical juncture where we must move beyond these parasitic narratives to actively reconstruct a positive vision for the future. He emphasizes the urgent need to reclaim virtues centered on truth, beauty, and the good to inspire a new generation and restore human flourishing in an age of unprecedented technological change. (June 23, 2026) 

TRANSCRIPT:

Opening: A Classical Liberal’s Perspective

PAUL MARSHALL: “My views are pretty much those of a Democrat circa 2010, but I have been demonized relentlessly.”

Those are the words of Elon Musk earlier this year. He didn’t leave the Democrat party, but the party left him. Bill Maher has said something similar. So have RFK and Tulsi Gabbard. So has Marc Andreessen, who we will be hearing from this week.

And the same is true for me. I describe myself as a classical liberal, admittedly more like 1908 than 2010, maybe even 1688, but a classical liberal is what I am. And just like those Democrats, I feel like politics has shifted around me.

I’m sure many of you in this hall feel the same thing. It even feels like politics has gone slightly mad, abandoned common sense, lost its way. That is certainly the case in Britain, where we’re heading for our seventh prime minister in 10 years. But it’s pretty much the case across the Western world. And this is not primarily about personalities or political parties.

Deconstruction: The Dominant Intellectual Path

It goes deeper. Indeed, one of the main contentions of ARC, as we’ve been hearing this morning, is that the fissures in our politics are downstream, downstream of much bigger fault lines in our culture and in the world of meaning and ideas. And that is why our conference spends most of the time upstream from politics. And that is a space I want to inhabit today. I want to talk about the overarching theme of this year’s conference, our strapline, from deconstruction to reconstruction.

We need to start quite a long way back. Over the last two centuries, the path of intellectual thought has been overwhelmingly one of deconstruction, or just plain destruction. There are precious few examples, and I challenge you to name them, of philosophers, whether of meaning, morals, or politics, who have offered us anything positive.

The word deconstruction is most commonly associated with Jacques Derrida, the man who took all the fun out of literature. But he was not the most important deconstructor. For me, two others stand out. In the 19th century, Nietzsche said there was no absolute truth, only perspectives. Then later, Michel Foucault said that in the absence of truth, everything should be interpreted through the lens of power. The world was divided into victims and oppressors. I guess this is what happens when you let the French and Germans take over.

Foucault is now the most cited source in all academic literature. The most cited source. He was an interesting guy, Mr. Foucault, one of the biggest public supporters of the Ayatollah Khomeini, and a big advocate of legalizing sex with minors on purely libertarian grounds, I’m sure.

In many ways, the West now lives in Foucault’s world, the world of oppressors and victims, the world of my truth and your truth. A world where Islamists and LGBTQ activists can happily coexist in the same political party, even though one tribe wants to throw the other off the roofs of buildings, simply because they share the same sense of victimhood.

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The American University and Critical Theories

After World War II, the worst ideas from Europe were also smuggled across the Atlantic, where they were incubated and mutated in the American University to give us critical race theory, critical gender theory, intersectionality, and queer theory. There was also a side helping of post-colonial theory to make sure we deconstructed Western history and are properly ashamed of it.

I love all these theories equally. I can’t get through breakfast till I performed a land acknowledgement, checked my privilege, changed gender at least three times. This usually means I get to the office half an hour late, but I just explain that time is an oppressive white supremacist invention.

The Deconstruction of God, Markets, and Meritocracy

The process of deconstruction did not finish there. Richard Dawkins and the new atheists said there was no God, and blithely assumed that a godless society would come up with a nice humanist creed to provide meaning, mutual trust, and moral order. I understand he may now be having second thoughts.

In the economic sphere, it was a bit harder to deconstruct because the evidence that property rights, free markets and innovation are the best mechanism for creating prosperity is so overwhelming that it is difficult to build a counter narrative, especially since 1990. But deconstructionists can be sly. So to deconstruct free market economics, they attacked from the flanks. They brought us net zero, an ideology of fear and destruction, giving a new excuse for state interference. And to deconstruct meritocracy, they gave us DEI, division, entitlement, and indoctrination.

Almost all of these ideas and narratives are parasitic. They feed off an historic body of good foundational ideas, but then pervert them and erode them. None come from a place of optimism. None of them bring unity. None of them set out a path to human flourishing.

Why Destructive Ideologies Gain Purchase

But why have these parasitic and destructive ideologies gained so much purchase? Well, I don’t want to be too marked just about this, but it is partly inevitably about economics. Free market economies always produce winners and losers, at least in material terms or at least in relative terms.